Asean embraces a rogue regime while inking a Charter for Big Business

Asean embraces a rogue regime

while inking a Charter for Big Business

By_Anilnetto

So the Asean leaders have signed a Charter in the “wonderfully democratic nation of Singapore” in the company of leaders from Burma’s rogue regime. (Check out this excellent documentary “Burma’s Secret War”.)

Each member nation now has to take the Charter back to their home countries so that it can be ratified by their respective parliaments -

• which shouldn’t be much of a problem,

• considering how democratic Asean member nations are

• and how much their governments have the interests of the people at heart.

• Which leads to the question: why not a referendum as this is a hugely important document that affects the peoples of 10 nations? That will be the day…

Civil society groups that lament that_

• the charter is too state-centred

• rather than people-centred are missing the point.

It was_

• never meant to be people-centred

• - even though that is what most ordinary people would have wanted,

• had they been consulted.

• That is why most of the work of drafting the charter was carried out behind closed doors -

• Although an Eminent Persons Group (EPG) did briefly consult a sample of civil society groups.

The EPG leader, Musa Hitam, had told civil society representatives that_

• he considered the inclusion of a reference to a human rights mechanism or body as a great achievement.

• But such a body would predictably be toothless -

• if and when it is formalised – for some time to come.

So let’s not get side-tracked by_

• the lip-service paid to human rights

• or the sweet -sounding, but ultimately unenforceable, pledges about democracy.

The Charter is not about_

• protecting the rights of ordinary people

• including migrant workers,

• refugees

• and asylum seekers.

If it was, do you really think those undemocratic or authoritarian governments among the Asean member nations would have signed it?

Instead, it’s all about_

• facilitating the interests of Big Business

• as well as providing an institutionalised framework

• that would, among other things, pave the way for the EU-Asean FTA

• and further the “free trade” and neo-liberal agenda.

How terribly, terribly sad for the people of Asean!

Charo Says:

Yeah Anil.

ASEAN is and was always paying lip service and showing face to each other.

That has not changed.

If the mentality has not changed for the last 50 years -

• situations like Burma will remain the same.

• Besides, ASEAN does not want to face China, if they go against Burma.

• China has vested interests in Burma.

 

Burmese Chinese

The Burmese Chinese or Chinese Burmese are a group of overseas Chinese born or raised in Burma (Myanmar).

Although the Chinese officially make up three percent of the population, this figure may be underestimated because of _

1. intermarriage between them and the ethnic Bamar,

2. and because of widespread discrimination against minorities (which compels many to declare themselves as Bamar when applying for birth certificate or national identification card).

The Burmese Chinese_

1. dominate the Burmese economy,

2. have a disproportionately high percentage of the educated class.

Generally, the Burmese Chinese in Lower Burma fall into three main groups:

1. Burmese called eingyi shay, or let shay lit. long-sleeved shirts to Hokkien and Hakkas from Fujian Province

2.  Burmese called eingyi to, or let to lit. short-sleeved shirts to Cantonese and Hakka   from Guangdong Province

3. So Burmese sometimes called zaka, lit. mid-length sleeve to all the Hakka  from Fujian and Guangdong provinces.

4. But Hakkas are further subdivided into those with

5. ancestry from Fujian Province, called ein-gyi shay ha-ka

6. and Guangdong Province, eingyi to haka respectively.

The Hokkien and Cantonese comprise 45% of the ethnic Chinese population.

The groups have different stereotypical associations.

1. The Cantonese are commonly thought of as the poorest of the Chinese,

2. the Hokkiens are generally wealthier,

3. occupying high positions in the economy,

4. and having connections to the government.

In Upper Burma and Shan Hills,

1. the Panthay

2. and Kokang, are speakers of a Mandarin dialect of the Southwestern Mandarin branch, most akin to Yunnanese.

Combined, they form 21% of Burmese Chinese.

Kokang are_

1. mountain-dwellers

2. and farmers

3. classified as a part of the Shan national race, although they have no linguistic or genetic affinity to the Tai-Kadai-speaking Shan.

Muslim Panthay_

1. are considered as separate local nationalities

2. rather than a Chinese diaspora community.

The Tayoke kabya of mixed Chinese and indigenous Burmese parentage.

1. The kabya (Burmese: mixed heritage) have a tendency to follow the customs of the Chinese more than of the Burmese.

2. Indeed those that follow Burmese customs are absorbed into and largely indistinguishable from the mainstream Burmese society.

3. A large portion of Burmese is thought to have some kabya blood,

4. because immigrants could acquire Burmese citizenship through intermarriage with the indigenous Burmese peoples.

Culture

Language

1. Most Burmese Chinese typically speak Burmese as their mother tongue.

2. Those with higher education also speak Mandarin

3. Those with higher education also speak Mandarin and/or English.

4. Some modern educated use English.

5. Some use, Chinese dialects/languages.

   • Hokkien is mostly used in Yangon as well as in Lower Burma,

   • while Taishan Cantonese and

   • Yunnanese Mandarin are well preserved in Upper Burma.

Conditions of Chinese-language schools_

1. General Ne Win’s (1962-1988) banned on the Chinese-language schools caused a decline of Mandarin speakers.

2. Chinese schools are growing again nowadays because of the increase in investors and businessmen from Mainland China and Taiwan, who uses Standard Mandarin,

Religion

Most Burmese Chinese practice_

1. Theravada Buddhism,

2. incorporating some Mahayana Buddhist

3. and Taoist beliefs,

   • such as the worship of Kuan Yin.

   • Chinese New Year celebrations,

   • as well as other Chinese festivals, are subdued and held privately.

   • Clan associations are often the only places where the Chinese culture is retained.

The Panthay or Chinese Muslims practice Islam.

Education

The Burmese Chinese_

1. place a high importance on education,

2. a disproportionate big share with advanced (medical, engineering or doctorate) degrees. (SOA’s note: it is partly because Muslims are labeled Kala and denied the place for postgraduate educations. The Chinese not only escaped that kind of discrimination but they got the special privileges given by the Chinese blooded political, military and education authorities.)

3. The number would be higher still had it not been for the longstanding ban on those without Burmese citizenship from pursuing advanced degrees.

4. Nowadays, many wealthy Burmese Chinese send their children overseas for further studies especially in US, UK, Canada, Australia, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore.

Names

The Burmese Chinese have_

1. Burmese names

2. and many also have Chinese names.

Names in various Chinese dialects are roughly transliterated into the Burmese.

1. For example, a person named ‘Khin Aung’ may have the Chinese name of ?? (pinyin: Qìngf?ng), with ‘?’ (pinyin: qìng) corresponding to ‘Khin’, and ‘?’ (pinyin: f?ng) corresponding to ‘Aung’.

2. However, variations of transcription do exist (between dialects),

3. and some Burmese Chinese do not choose to adopt similar-sounding Burmese and Chinese names.

4. Because the Burmese lack surnames, many Burmese Chinese tend to pass on portions of their given names to future generations, for the purpose of denoting lineage.

According to publications of Longsei Tang, a clan association based in Yangon, the ten most common Chinese surnames in Yangon are:

1. Li (?)

2. Peng (?)

3. Shi (?)

4. Dong (?)

5. Min (?)

6. Niu (?)

7. Bian (?)

8. Xin (?)

9. Guan (?)

10. Tsui/Hsu(?)

Cuisine

The Burmese Chinese cuisine is based on Chinese cuisine, particularly from

1. Fujian,

2. Guangdong

3. and Yunnan provinces, with local influences.

4. Spices such as turmeric and chili are commonly used.

   • Pauk si

   • Bhè kin

   • Igyakway

   • Htamin kyaw

   • La mont

   • Mewswan

   • San-byoat

   • Panthay khaukswè

   • Sigyet khaukswè

History

1. The earliest records of Chinese migration were in the Song and Ming dynasties.

2. In the 1700s, Ming Dynasty princes settled in Kokang (the northern part of Burma).

3. Chinese traders, however, traveled up to the capital city, northern towns on the Irrawaddy such as Bhamo.

4. There was a Chinese community at Amarapura.

5. Another wave of immigration occurred in the 1800s under the British rule.

6. They came to Burma via Malaysia.

7. When the Chinese Communists expelled the Kuomintang, many fled to Burma and Thailand over the borders of Yunnan Province.

8. The Burmese government fought and removed the armed KMT and forced them to Taiwan; those who managed to stay prospered.

9. The Chinese dominate the highly lucrative rice and gem industries.

10. Many became merchants and traders owning both wholesale and retail businesses.

11. The northern region of Burma has seen an influx of mainland Chinese immigrant workers, black market traders and gamblers.

12. In the Kachin State, which borders China in three directions, Mandarin Chinese is the lingua franca.

They integrated well into Burmese society because they, like the Bamar,

1. were of Sino-Tibetan stock

2. and were Buddhists,

Their success_

1. is reflected in the Burmese saying, “Earn like the Chinese, save like the Indian, and don’t waste money like the Bamar”.

2. They got the nickname pauk hpaw (lit. sibling).

3. During the 1950s, Burma was one of the first countries to recognize the People’s Republic of China as a nation.

However, its own Chinese population was treated as aliens.

1. The Burmese Chinese were issued foreign registration cards (FRC), which declared that they were citizens of China.

2. A similar discrimination policy was set up for Indians.

In 1962, Ne Win led a coup d’état and declared himself head of state. Although a kabya himself, he banned Chinese-language education, and created other measures to compel the Chinese to leave.

1. Ne Win’s government stoked up racial animosity and ethnic conflicts against the Chinese, who were terrorized by Burmese citizens,

2. the most violent riots taking place at the time of the Cultural Revolution in China.

3. When Ne Win implemented the “Burmese Way to Socialism”,

   • a plan to nationalize all industries,

   • the livelihoods of many entrepreneurial Chinese were destroyed

   • and some 100,000 Chinese left the country.

4. All schools were nationalized, including Chinese-language schools.

 Beginning in 1967 and continuing throughout the 1970s, anti-Chinese riots continued to flare up and many believed they were covertly supported by the government.

1. Many Burmese Chinese left the country during Ne Win’s rule, largely because of

   • a failing economy

   • and widespread discrimination.

2. The first government-sponsored racial riots to take place in Burma was in 1967, during General Ne Win’s rule.

3. In the riots, the general populace went on a killing spree

   • because of sedition

   • and instigation against the Chinese

   • by various government departments.

4. The massacre lasted for about five consecutive days, during which_

   • thousands of Chinese died

   • or were left dying in the streets of Rangoon.

   • Some of the Chinese were thrown alive from the second and third floors of buildings in downtown Rangoon.

   • The dead and wounded Chinese were hauled up unceremoniously and dumped onto army trucks and taken to ‘htauk kyan’ incinerators and the ‘carcasses’ were sent up in smoke.

5. That showed the true bestial and cruel side of the character of the ruling Burma Military Junta.

6. The only “crime” the Chinese committed was the wearing of Chairman Mao’s badges on their shirts.

7. Latha Secondary School

   • was torched by the henchmen of General Ne Win’s government,

   • where school girls were burnt alive.

8. Chinese shops were

   • looted

   • and set on fire.

9. Public attention was successfully diverted by Ne Win

   • from the uncontrollable inflation,

   • scarcity of consumer items

   • and rising prices of rice.

Today, the majority of Burmese Chinese live in the major cities of_

1. Yangon,

2. Mandalay,

3. Taunggyi,

4. Bago, and their surrounding areas.

   • According to Global Witness_

   • 30 to 40% of Mandalay’s population consists of ethnic Chinese.

   • Although there are Chinatowns (tayoke tan) in the major cities,

   • the Chinese are widely dispersed.

Notable Burmese Chinese

1. Aung Gyi – leading army dissident and Ne Win’s former deputy/co-conspirator in the 1962 coup

2. Aw Boon Haw (Hakka) – Inventor of Tiger Balm

3. Aw Boon Par (Hakka) – Brother of Aw Boon Haw

4. Eike Htun (Kokang) – Managing director of Olympic Construction Co. and deputy chairman of Asia Wealth Bank, two large conglomerates in Burma

5. Khun Sa (Kokang) – Major Southeast Asian druglord

6. Khin Nyunt – Former Prime Minister (2003-2004) and Chief of Intelligence (1983-2004) of Myanmar

7. Lo Hsing Han (Kokang) – Major Southeast Asian druglord

8. Steven Law (also known as Tun Myint Naing; Kokang) – Managing director of Asia World Company, a major Burmese conglomerate and son of Lo Hsing Han

9. Ne Win (Hakka) – Leader of Burma from 1960s to 1980s

10. San Yu (Hakka) – President of Burma in the 1980s

11. Serge Pun – Proprietor of Yoma Bank, a major banking chain in Myanmar and chairman of First Myanmar Investment Co. Ltd (FMI), one of Myanmar’s leading investment companies

12. Taw Sein Ko (Hokkien) – eminent Director of Archaeology (1901-1915)

13. Thakin Ba Thein Tin – Communist leader from the 1970s to the 1990s

14. Maung Aye – Vice chairman of SPDC and Chief of Staff of Armed Forces

15. Major General Kat Sein – former Minister of Health

16. Dr. Kyaw Myint – Present Minister of Health

17. Myo Thant – Former Minister of Information under SLORC

18. Colonel Tan Yu Sai – Minister of Trade under Ne Win’s government

19. Colonel Kyi Maung- NLD member (1989-2004) and Army Commander of Rangoon in 1960s

20. U Thaung – Minister of Labour & Technical Science, Retired Legion and Ambassador

21. Lun Thi – Minister of Energy

22. Thein Sein – First Secretary of SPDC

23. Kyaw Ba – General Formal Minister of Hotel and Tourism

Reference

Wikipedia

See also:

Malaysian Chinese feelings of his country on Chinese_

(We need to understand the other’s feelings also)

Of course I love my country…

John Lee | Feb 6, 08 3:24pm

I refer to the Malaysiakini report Anwar: Bumi policies affect investments.

I consider myself lucky that I have traveled to almost all the Asean countries and have managed to observe, albeit shallowly, the socio-political structures of our neighbouring countries.

I identify myself as a Malaysian Chinese – the ‘Malaysian’ is an adjective and the ‘Chinese’ is the noun. This is inevitable in Malaysia because the country’s laws and policies are based on racial and religious lines.

I am part of the fourth generation of Hua Ren – the overseas Chinese. The Hua Ren are noticeable in every country – Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Vietnam and, of course, Singapore.

The Malaysian Chinese are unique in the sense that we continue to carry our ancestors’ name without alteration, unlike all of our neighbours, except for Singapore. We are also unique in that, unlike our neighbors, we choose to practice faiths – Buddhism, Taoism, and Christianity – different from the majority race.

None of our neighbours have decided to endorse apartheid, er sorry, affirmative action or bumiputera policies. They seem to be doing well, namely Thailand and Vietnam. In fact, there is a special term for overseas Vietnamese returning home after the war with their fortunes – the Viet Kieu.

I am counting the years before Vietnam overtakes Malaysia as an economic powerhouse. I should know a bit better because in my profession, I assist Malaysian businesses in setting up shop there.

I was born in Malaysia. My identification card says I am a citizen. However, I am classified as a non-bumiputera. My religion is kafir. My economic value is low in my own country because I am a non-bumiputera and a non-Muslim. Yet my economic value is high overseas.

Chinese Malaysian professionals are highly sought after. Malaysian accountants find success in China, London and Australia because they are multi-lingual and very hard working. Being cheaper and less arrogant than Singaporeans is another plus point. The ability to converse in English and Mandarin is highly prized by multinational corporations in China.

 

Heck, half of all Chinese Malaysian professionals are actually future Singaporean citizens.

Even in the Middle East, the Chinese Malaysians are sought after to support the Islamic banking industry because of their hard work and ability to assimilate easily. The Middle Eastern people in the finance industry don’t discriminate against you, but then your women had better wear the burqa and hide in their homes.

In then end, the Chinese Malaysian will continue to actively seek migration, just as their forefathers did. They will accumulate the necessary skills and talents, and then use their entrepreneurial mindset and willingness to work hard and move on once Malaysia becomes a barren place.

The oil will run dry here. The country will be carpeted with palm trees. Malays will overwhelmingly dominate the population. It will look like Indonesia. Then it will look like Pakistan. Finally, it will settle into an Afghanistan.

At last, the Malays will be able to proudly claim that they are no longer contesting for 30 percent of the economic pie. They will actually own 100 percent. I am not too sure of my personal future, as well as my children’s future, but I am not worried about the future of the Hua Ren.

In conclusion, do I love my country? Of course I do. I love my country as much as my country loves me.

 

 

Ko Moe Thee Zone’s announcement regarding SPDC crony businessmen

Ko Moe Thee Zone’s

Announcement regarding

SPDC crony businessmen

 

Read more at Ko Moe Thee Zone’s blog  .

 

The Golden days of the Great Shan Empire VII

The Golden days of the

Great Shan Empire VII

(I hope BD readers  won’t mind the changing of my BLUE HEADINGS into black, as this is the darkest chapter of Myanmar and Myanmar Tatmadaw History) 

Detention of Ethnic Shan

and other opposition Leaders

Read detail in Irrawaddy,

“Detained Ethnic Leaders Denied Outside Medical Aid”

By Shah Paung on January 8, 2008

Detained ethnic Shan leaders are being denied medical treatment from outside for serious health problems, according to the Shan National League for Democracy.

SNLD chairman Hkun Htun Oo

SNLD spokesman Sai Lek told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that prison authorities had rejected or ignored requests by the families of SNLD chairman Hkun Htun Oo and SNLD member Sai Hla Aung for medical attention from outside.

Hkun Htun Oo suffers from_

1. prostate problems,

2. diabetes,

3. heart disease

4. and high blood pressure.

Sai Hla Aung has_

1. a hyperthyroid condition,

2. diabetes

3. and heart disease.

They were arrested in February 2005, together with_

1. SNLD General-Secretary Sai Nyunt Lwin,

2. Shan State Peace Council President Maj-Gen Sao Hso Ten

3. and Shan politician Shwe Ohn, who was later released.

They were arrested days before a resumed session of the National Convention opposed by Shan leaders.

• Hkun Htun Oo was sentenced to 92 years imprisonment and is detained in Putao prison, Kachin State.

• Sai Nyunt Lwin received a 75 year sentence and is in Kalay prison, Sagaing Division.

• Sao Hso Ten was sentenced to a total of 106 years imprisonment and is in Hkamti prison, Sagaing Division.

• Sai Hla Aung received a sentence of 75 years and is in Kyauk Pyu prison, Arakan State.

• Meanwhile, arrests of National League for Democracy members continue. NLD spokesman Nyan Win said five members of the NLD youth wing had been arrested between Burma Independence Day on January 4 and January 6. No reason has yet been given for the arrests.

• According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), based in neighboring Thailand, there are more than 1,400 political prisoners in Burma.

SPDC Junta and Myanmar Tatmadaw failed to understand that patriotism is not the sole property of the Myanmar Tatmadaw and its Generals alone.

Each and every citizen_

• regardless of his race,

• religion,

• social status

• or political alignment,

has the right and is duty-bound to show his sense of patriotism to the country he loves in his own way.

Tatmadaw failed to acknowledge that the opposition parties like NLD, SNLD etc are equally patriotic, if not more so than SPDC leaders.

Many opposition leaders, to name a few_

1. U Gambari lead real Buddhist monks,

2. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led NLD leaders like U Tin Oo,

3. U Hkun Htun Oo led SNLD Shan leaders,

4. Min Ko Naing lead 88 Student leaders, like Ko Ko Gyi etc,

5. Burmese Muslims such as, Daw Win Mya Mya (NLD Mandalay, Panthay) and Ko Mya Aye (88 Student leader)

Are unlike those in the SPDC and Tatmadaw,

• have given up much of their comforts in life,

• endured so much pain and humiliation

• and even have been detained

• and tortured

• under the illegal, undemocratic, unjust, draconian laws of the SPDC.

SPDC Junta should answer my question even if their brain is slightly larger than a bird’s brain.

If sacrificing the major part of one’s life for the nation is not patriotism, what is it then?

It is extremely distressing that the ruling Myanmar Generals and Tatmadaw want to cling onto power instead of being an instrument for the peace, progress, prosperity, unity of Myanmar and power house to start an inertia of change to democracy.

Not only the different Races and religions have become the cause of disunity, hate, violence and turmoil but the Myanmar Generals and Tatmadaw show the world that they are even willing to assault, arrest, torture and kill their own monks to stop the momentum of people’s peaceful struggle to initiate the changes to democracy.

So what’s left now to think about the safety or guarantee of other minority races and religious groups’ fate, life and property ?

We all now witnessed that Myanmar Tatmadaw is even willing to sacrifice and annihilate any one or any obstacle on their way to the road to their permanent dominance of Myanmar. 

But the whole world looks quite cool, slow and looks like willing to patiently waiting forever for the SPDC promised, “Rice presenting on the moon-plate”

SPDC Generals should stop playing the politics of fear and intimidation on the unarmed Myanmar civilians. They should not politicise or use the national security as an excuse because it would be the most unpatriotic act, amounting to treachery.

We have journeyed together, sharing a common brotherhood for 60 years and we have attained wisdom and maturity to effect change that would create an environment where all of the Burmese/Myanmar citizens can have our voices heard, rights respected and continue to live together without fear or suspicion of each other.

We should not allow selfish Military Generals to sow the seeds of disunity, suspicion, hate and jealousy that will only be detrimental to us in this multi-racial and multi-religious nation of Burma/Myanmar.

As Barrack Obama, the US presidential candidate, said after his first defeat in the primaries:

‘Change is hard. Change is always met by resistance from the status quo. The real gamble is to have the same old folks doing the same old things over and over and over again and somehow expect a different result’.

We cannot and should not expect a better outcome from the same old Tatmadaw system over and over again. They will try to keep all the issues and dialogue in the back burner.

In order to create a just government for all of the Burmese/ Myanmars, we must strive to effect a change.

We have no much time to wait for the evolution, until or unless, UN and Mr Gambari could forced the snail paced present (almost effectively stalled) dialogue on the rocket louncher to install on to the fast track.

To bring about that change may not be that easy, it may be a monumental task, but there must be a beginning for all good things to happen.

Why shouldn’t it be now?

Is the saying, “Time and Tide wait for no man” irrelevant to the inhumane, noncivilized uniformed Tatnadaw?

Why did UN and the whole world allow the Junta to procrastinate when all of us already know that what the SPDC want was TIME only.

SPDC stupidly thought that time could heal the bleeding hearts of the people seeing their beloved revered monks beaten, arrested and killed.

It is now in our hands to make that change.

Do we have the will and courage to do so?

Except for the USA and EU leaders,

• are ASEAN leaders,

• OIC leaders,

• Common Wealth leaders,

• Non Allied movement leaders

• and UN member countries’ leaders

all became cowards? Eunuchs with any B-ls? Greedy Crooks?

Or are they all willing to close their eyes, as the Burmese saying, “Myauk Thar_ Sar Chin Yin_Myaul Myet Nher_Ma Kyi Ne’.” meaning. “if you want to eat the flesh of the monkey, avoid looking at the face of the monkey.”

So carry on world leaders, just close your eyes to avoid seeing us beatened, tortured, arrested and killed by the Than Shwe Junta.

Please continue to enjoy the following article I republished from Irrawaddy.

Pro-Democracy Political Prisoners in Poor Health Condition
By Shah Paung
January 16, 2008

At least four detained political prisoners in Burmese prisons are in poor health and need medical attention, according to their family members.

The four political prisoners are Hla Myo Naung and Kyaw Soe of the 88 Generation Students group, who are both in Insein Prison in Rangoon; Win Maw, a pro-democracy activist, also in Insein Prison; and Myint Oo, a committee member of the Magwe Division of the National League for Democracy, who is in Mandalay Prison.

Hla Myo Naung has eye problems and is nearly blind in both eyes, according to a family member. He has had eye problems since October 2007, and was arrested while he was enroute to a Rangoon clinic to have an operation on the left side of one eye.

After he was arrested, authorities performed an operation on one of his eyes, but it was not successful and an eye nerve was damaged.

Family members of both Win Maw and Kyaw Soe said they received medical treatment in prison after they were tortured by the authorities in an interrogation center.

However, Win Maw has now contracted pneumonia. Kyaw Soe suffers from fainting spells. Both men were victims of water torture, according to sources.

A family member of Win Maw said they have not been allowed to visit him for nearly three weeks.

Myint Oo, who also suffers from pneumonia, began receiving medical treatment in a Mandalay prison hospital three days ago, according to family members.

Tate Naing, the secretary of the exiled-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), said that since August 2007, the military government has arrested more than 7,000 people, including pro-democracy activists.  Prisoners are not allowed to receive outside medical treatment.

88 Generation Students leaders Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi also have health problems, say their family members. They were arrested by authorities in August 2007.

According to the AAPP, there are more than 1,850 political prisoners in Burmese prisons.

 |

 

The Golden days of the Great Shan Empire VI

The Golden days of the

Great Shan Empire VI

Country Profile 

Size:
Lies between 19 and 24 degrees latitude North, and Stretches from 96 to 101 degrees longitude East, covering approximately 64,000 square miles; shares boundaries with Burma, China, Laos, Thailand and the Karenni.

Topography and Drainage:

Bisected north to south by the Salween River, one of the longest rivers in Asia. It lies at an average of 2,000 feet above sea-level, and the highest point, Mount Loilaeng, is 8,777 feet. It is composed of broad valleys, thickly wooded mountain ranges and rolling hills forming scenic landscapes.

Jong-ang, the biggest waterfall (972 feet) can be found near the town of Kengtong in Mongnai State.

Climate

There are three seasons:

1. Monsoon (May to October),
2. Cold season(November to January)
3. and Summer (February to April).

Annual rainfalls average between 40-60 inches.

The overall temperature is equable throughout the year: not too cold and not too hot.

Vegetation

Pine and evergreen forests can be found in abundance. Teak and various kinds of hardwood cover over 47,210 square miles.

Minerals
The bulk of the so-called Burmese natural resources are in the Shan State: silver, lead, gold, copper, iron, tin, wolfram, tungsten, manganese, nickel, coal, mica, antimony, fluorite, marble, gemstones and even uranium.

Major Operating Mines are:

• the Mogok (Mognkut in Shan) and Mongsu ruby mines,
• and the Namtu Bawdwin silver mines discovered by the Chinese traders and renovated in 1904 by none other than Herbert Clerk Hoover (1874-1964) who became the 31st President of the United State.
• A study of the Indian geological reports made by Drs Cogging and Sondhi in 1993 reveals Northern Shan States as incredible mining potential…
• As for Southern Shan’s remarkable resources, they can be studied from the reports made by a G.V. Hovson (Shanland’s Grievances, by Htoon Myint of Taunggyi, )

People :

The population of these multi-racial people, described by ancient travelers as the most peace loving people who trust everybody and envy nobody is estimated at 7-10 million, the majority of whom are Tai, of the same ethnological stock as Thai and Laos, plus several other racial groups including Pa-o, Palaung and Wa of Mon-Khmer stock; and Kachin, Akha and Lahu of the Tibeto-Burman stock.

All in all, it’s various indigenous races have lived harmoniously together for centuries. This fact is supported by the political analyst Josef Silverstein, who say’s:

“Although the Shans dominated the people in the area both politically and numerically, they never assimilated the minorities; as a result, cultural pluralism existed through out the Shan States”. (Politics in the Shan State, The Question of Secession from the Union of Burma, 1958, by J. Silverstein).

The Shan’s stand on the racial question is best described by Sao Shwe Thaike, who in his capacity as the Speaker of the Constituent Assembly,

countered the objection that Muslims could not be considered as being indigenous by saying :

“Muslims of the Arakan certainly belong to one of the indigenous races of Burma. If they do not belong to the indigenous races, we also cannot be taken as indigenous races.”

Culture:

Shan is still the first language of the majority, though due to 60 years under the British Protectorate and 40 years under Burmese neo-colonialism, usage of English and Burmese has become fairly common.

As for attire, Shan men, unlike the Burmese, who wear longyis or long skirts, don long baggy trousers. Theravada Buddhism is the pre-eminent faith, and perhaps due to this tolerant religion, Hinduism, Christianity, Islamism and even animisms flourish in this land.

Agriculture:

Primarily a self-sufficient agricultural economy, being blessed with fertile soil, it produces rice, tea, cheroot leaves, tobacco, potatoes, oranges, lemon, pears, and opium.

Cattle-and horse-breeding is also a common sight in low grasslands. Added to the fact that it is rich in mineral resources and abundant in teak timber, there is no reason why the Shan State could not become one of the richest and most economically dynamic countries in Southeast Asia, given a favorable political climate. 

Shan States is a beautiful and fertile land, with green hills and mist-covered mountains. 

Shans are on the whole, good natured gentle, independent people.

Shan States have a diverse mix of ethnic groups; Tai Yai, Tai Khurn, Tai Lui or Tai Neir, Tai Keiy, Pa-O or Daung Su, Daung Yoe, Palaung, Kachin, Dai Nawng or in Burmese Intha, Danu, Lisu, Lahu, Wa, Kaw, Padaung, as well as Chinese, Indians, Burmans and others. 

The Shans are the most widely scattered of the ethnic people in Myanmar and they can be found in every part of the country.

Their Mans (villages), Mongs (city-states) and settlements stretch from the northernmost region of Hkamti Long down to Tharrawaddy and then to southern Taninthayi (Tenasserim) and from the tip of Kengtung in the east to Hsawng Hsup, Kabaw valley and Ta-mu in the west.

In central Myanmar many Shan settlements can be found around Ava, Pinya, Sagaing, Toungoo, Pyinmana and Pyi (Prome). 

Now-a-days, Shan people are spread around the world, many having left Burma to escape the persecution and brutality of the SPDC, many to study overseas. 

Shans live overseas in Thailand, Australia, New Zealand, USA, Canada, Europe, Taiwan, China, Japan and elsewhere.  Many overseas groups are actively campaigning for freedom in Shan States and Burma. 

Until recently many groups worked almost independently.  In recent years the more widespread use of e-mail and internet technology means that overseas Shan groups can communicate more easily with one another, sharing ideas, discussing campaigns and global change.

Shans feel immensely sad that their beautiful homeland has been ravaged and abused by SPDC, and because they have deep love for their motherland, they feel deeply bereft and betrayed.

Two Soa Hso Kham Pha is the eldest son of the late Last year Soa Hso Kham Pha, also known as Tiger Yawnghwe, founded the Interim Shan Government with the cooperation of a group of Shan elders. Recently the ISG has established a freedom fighting force called Shan State Army (Central) with thousands of troops to fight against the neo-fascist military regime in Burma.  

List of Shan state rulers

 Read more in Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.The Shan State of Burma (Myanmar) was once made up of a large number of traditional monarchies or fiefdoms. Three ranks of chiefs where recognized by the Burmese king and later by the British administration. These ranks were Saopha or Chaofa (Shan for king or chieftain) or Sawbwa in Burmese, Myosa (”duke” or chief of town), and Ngwegunhmu (silver revenue chief).

Contents

1 Shan states

1. 1.1 Hierarchy and Precedence

2. 1.2 Baw (Maw)

3. 1.3 Hopong (Hopon)

4. 1.4 Hsahtung (Thaton)

5. 1.5 Hsamönghkam (Thamaingkan)

6. 1.6 Hsawnghsup (Thaungdut)

7. 1.7 Hsenwi (Theinni)

   1. 1.7.1 North Hsenwi

   2. 1.7.2 South Hsenwi

8. 1.8 Hsihkip (Thigyit)

9. 1.9 Hsipaw (Thibaw)

10. 1.10 Kehsi Mangam (Kyithi Bansan)

11. 1.11 Kengcheng (Kyaingchaing)

12. 1.12 Kenghkam (Kyaingkan)

13. 1.13 Kenglön (Kyainglon)

14. 1.14 Kengtung (Kyaingtong)

15. 1.15 Kokang

16. 1.16 Kyon

17. 1.17 Kyawkku Hsiwan (Kyaukku)

18. 1.18 Laihka (Lègya)

19. 1.19 Lawksawk (Yatsauk)

20. 1.20 Loi-ai (Lwe-e)

21. 1.21 Loilong (Lwelong)

22. 1.22 Loimaw (Lwemaw)

23. 1.23 Mawkmai

24. 1.24 Manglon

25. 1.25 Monghsu

26. 1.26 Mawkmai (Maukme)

27. 1.27 Mawnang (Bawnin)

28. 1.28 Mawsön (Bawzaing)

29. 1.29 Möngkawng (Mogaung)

30. 1.30 Mongkung

31. 1.31 Möngleng (Mohlaing)

32. 1.32 Mönglong

33. 1.33 Möngmit (Momeik)

34. 1.34 Mong Nai (Monè)

35. 1.35 Mongnawng

36. 1.36 Mong Pai (Mobye)

37. 1.37 Mong Pan

38. 1.38 Mong Pawng (Maing Pun)

39. 1.39 Möngping (Maingpyin)

40. 1.40 Möngsit (Maingseik)

41. 1.41 Möngtung (Maington)

42. 1.42 Möngyang (Mohnyin)

43. 1.43 Möngyawng

44. 1.44 Namhkai (Nanke)

45. 1.45 Namhkok (Nankok)

46. 1.46 Namhkom (Nankon)

47. 1.47 Namtok (Nantok)

48. 1.48 Namkhok-Nawngwawn

49. 1.49 Panglawng

50. 1.50 Pangmi

51. 1.51 Pangtara (Pindara)

52. 1.52 Pwehla (Poila)

53. 1.53 Sakoi

54. 1.54 Samka

55. 1.55 Tawngpeng

56. 1.56 Wanmaw (Bhamo)

57. 1.57 Wanyin (Banyin)

58. 1.58 Yawnghwe (Nyaungshwe)

59. 1.59 Ywangan (Yengan)

60. 1.60 Bibliography

Shan states

State	Area (sq. mi)	Classical Name	Notes
Sawbwas
Kengtung	12,400	Khemarata Tungaburi
Hsipaw	4,524	Dutawadi
Mongnai	2,717	Saturambha/Nandapwa
Yawnghwe	1,392	Kambawsarata
Tawngpeng	800	Pappatasara
South Hsenwi	2,400	Siwirata or Kawsampi	Also known as Mongyai
North Hsenwi	6,330	Siwirata or Kawsampi
Mongmit	3,733	Gandhalarata
Mongpai	730
Lawksawk	2,362	Hansawadi?
Laikha	1,560	Hansawadi
Mawkmai	2,557	Lawkawadi
Mongpan	2,988	Dhannawadi
Mongpawn	366	Rajjawadi
Manglun		Jambularata
Kantarawadi	3,015
Samka	314
Mongkung	1,593	Lankawadi
Myosas
Nawngwawn	28	Pokkharawadi	Amalgamated with Mong Pawn, 1931
Mongnawng	1,646	Nandawadi
Mongsit
Kehsi-bansam	551
Mawnang			Amalgamated with Hsamongkham, 1934
Loilong (Pinlaung)	1,098
Hsahtung	471
Wanyin	219
Hopong	212
Namkhok	108		Amalgamated with Mong Pawn, 1931
Sakoi	82
Mongshu	470	Hansawadi
Kenglun	54		Amalgamated with Kehsh Bansam, 1926
Bawlake	565
Kyetbogyi	700
Hsamongkham	449
Baw	741
Pwela	178
Ngwegunhmus
Yengan (Ywangan)	359
Pangtara (Pindaya)	86
Pangmi	30
Loi-ai	156		Amalgamated with Hsamongkham, 1930
Kyaukku	76		Amalgamated with Pwela, 1928
Loimaw	48		Amalgamated with Yawnghwe, 1928
Kyone	24
Namtok	14		Amalgamated with Loilong, 1931

    Chinese provinces with the name Shan

1. Shan is another name of the Dai, an ethnic group in China.

2. Shan, an abbreviation for the Shaanxi province of the People’s Republic of China

3. Shan, or Shan county, also refers a county in Shandong province of PRC

4. Shan, or Shantou (??), a city in Guangdong province of PRC

5. Shan, name for a region in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region

6. Shan, also refers to the name of ancient Western Regions (??)

Shan also means hill, peak, or mountain in Chinese languages and Japanese There is also Chinese surname, Shan (surname), is a in Chinese.There is also river name with Shan , in Zhejiang Province of PRC

Photos of the His Royal Highness Tzao Hso Khan Pha, President and Head of States, Interim Shan Government of the Federated Shan States.The remaining  are Shan Freedom Fighters’ photos, Six photos are copyright of Chris Sinclair mailto:csinclair@pobox.com.Four…….. Four other photos are courtesy of TSY taisamyone@yahoo.co.uk. All are taken from Burma Digest.

 

The Golden days of the Great Shan Empire IV

The Golden days of the

Great Shan Empire IV

The date 7th February 1947 is a defining moment in the record of the Shan history as a modern nation.

On that day, Shan princes and the people’s representatives of the Shan States demonstrated their newfound unity to declare it a “national day” which were followed by the resolutions of “Shan National Anthem”, “Shan National Flag” and the formation of “Shan State Council” on the 11th and 15th of February, 1947 respectively.

The people of Shan States and leaders decided in this very year later at Panglong, on the 12th of February, to join with U Aung San and the AFPFL (Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League) and leaders of other nationalities, to live together under one flag as co-independent and equal nations. This marks the birth of a nation-state now known as “Union of Burma”.

National flag

1. The design of the national flag is as sanctioned at the Panglong Treaty conference in 1947.
2. The size of the flag is ( 5ft. x 3ft)
3. Diameter of the Moon is (1. ½ ft)
4. The breath of the three colors: yellow, green and reddish (1 ft) each.

Example

 

The meaning of the color:

1. yellow is religion
2. green is forest, and rich in natural resources and peace
3. red is  bravery,
4. white is purity

Saopha-loong, Soa Shwe Thaike was the first President of the Independent Burma. When Burma fell under military dictatorship, Soa Shwe Thaike was put into jail by the military regime, and later died in jail under suspicious circumstances.

Failed Cohabitation

• The experiment to living together in harmony within the Union of Burma has been a disaster.
• In 1962, the General Ne Win led Burmese military sized state power in a coup and declared the Union Constitution abolished.
• In so doing, the Burmese terminated the only existing legal bond between them and the other ethnic nationalities.
• So much time has gone by since February 7 1947…
• A lot of changes have occurred, and many of them have been very painful and unfair. 
• The leaders of Burma from Prime Minister U Nu in 1948, to General Ne Win in 1962, to General Than Shwe (now), have missed the opportunity_ 
  •  
    • to build a peaceful and prosperous nation based on
    • mutual respect,
    • understanding
    • and cooperation.
• The problem that exist is not ethic “minority” rights versus the “majority” Burmese rights but rather of equality of rights for all.
• The 1948 Union of Burma was understood by us to be a federal  union of equals.
• And though the intent of the 1948 Constitution was federal, in rushing it through the Constituent Assembly by the AFPFL [Fa-sa-pa-la], the federal Union  in practice became unitary. 
• We during 1958-62 tried to institute constitutional reforms in the Union Parliament towards a more equitable federal system as envisaged by the 1947 Panglong Agreement.
• Ne Win staged his military coup and he and his successor Burmese military troops in Shan country raped, murdered & tortured to oppress, suppress and intimidate.
• “Since then, Shan State has been treated as a de facto colony and occupied territory by the Burmese army.
• Its forced assimilation and Burmanization policies to subdue our national identity have devastated the Shan homeland and make the people homeless and refugees.

Looking at the contemporary situation, one could only term the Shan nation as a downtrodden and battered one, reeling under the occupation of the oppressive Burmese military regime.

Gross human rights violations, genocide and cultural genocide, population transfer designed to make the Shan a minority in their homestead, and robbing them of their birthright sovereignty and self-determination are glaring injustice, which push the Shan into the category of sub-human or slaves, especially in the eyes of their occupiers.    

But even under such circumstances and after more than four decades of brutal suppression and occupation, the Shan sense of “national identity” and the aspiration to be the master of their own faith have not diminish but have grown stronger.

• The Shan Nationalities League for Democracy’s (SNLD) victory in 1990 nation-wide election in the whole Shan State;
• the continued political activities of the Shan State Army North within the limited political space provided by the Burmese military junta;
• the active armed resistance of the Shan State Army South,
• together with the bulk of Shan State National Army;
• and the highly self-conscious Shan civil societies in keeping the national identity alive under intense pressure of the Burmese military junta; are indications of a nation, which refuses to be cowed.
• the mainstream Shan organizations are endorsing the notion to rebuild a new Federal Union – together with all the other ethnic nationalities, Burman included

Practically, the Shan are faced with a dilemma to choose between secession and genuine federalism. But it is also important to note that the Federal Proposal of 1961, before the military coup,

• is the brainchild of the Shan leadership at that time,
• which was aimed at changing the Burman dominated unitary system into a genuine federal structure
• with equal status for all ethnic nationalities.
• All non-Burman ethnic groups endorse this as a balanced and acceptable solution until today.
• Meanwhile, this proposed arrangement also find acceptance among most of the Burman opposition camps as a way to resolve the conflict as a whole.

This is perhaps lowering the aspiration to a certain degree but nevertheless, a pragmatic approach and in line with the international mood. But this is not to say that the global trend will stay forever in favor of status quo. The people concerned would eventually adjust their needs and value system, according to the prevailing international norm and structure of the time.    

Finally, if the Shan wants to be heard and advance their aspirations, they would need to seriously think globally and act locally.

• It would need to sell the idea
• that it is part and parcel of a viable force,
• in collaboration with all non-Burman ethnic nationalities
• and Burman opposition groups,
• to replace the illegitimate military junta.
• To do this, “broad coalition-building” among all the opposition is essential,
• even those within the rank of the enemies, who are ready to reform, embrace justice, equality and democracy should not be neglected.
• The Shan cannot win this fight alone
• and it is crucial that the “multi-pronged” approach is employed,
• coupled with the motto of “diverse actions, common goal”, as urged time and again by the late Chao Tzang Yawnghwe.

If we can bring about change now, in twenty years, Burma can still be a peaceful and prosperous country.

“Yugoslavia did break up into its components parts. The Shan States are larger both in population then Cambodia for instance and larger in area than some 24 States of the US and 20 or so Nation-States in Europe.

“I support all ethnic groups’ rights to have their own federal states, probably in US style or Canadian style. I understand that Quebac Province in Canada is an autonomic federal state. Shan state can be like that.

I never believe that “total separation of Union of Burma/Myanmar into a large number of totally separated & independent but very small tiny little countries” might be a wise decision.”

(From the “Dialogue with a Shan Leader“_ Interview with Tiger Yawnghwe )

To understand the History of Shans, we need to review or revised the brief history of Burma (Pagan) 1044.

The brief history of Burma (Pagan) 1044

Anawrattha (d. 1077) seized royal power at Pagan and made it the political, religious, and cultural center of Burma; the Burmese written language was developed and Buddhist scriptures translated;

• architectural monuments followed the inspiration of Ceylon and southern India.
• In 1057, conquest of Thaton, Mon kingdom, which was in maritime contact with Ceylon and the Indian subcontinent and was a center for Buddhism as well as overseas trade.
• Mon had a strong cultural influence at Pagan.
• In 1060s-1070s, Anawrata initiated communication and exchanges with Vijayabahu I, Ceylon’s ruler (1055-1110), including the sharing of Pali Buddhist texts and monks.  

Rule of Kyanzittha, (1084-1112 )best known for his _

• synthesis of various cultural developments
• and the process of assimilation of different ethnic groups that took place during his reign.
• He created a distinctive Burman style.  
• In 1106, a Burmese embassy at the Sung capital in China was received as from a fully sovereign state.    

Pagan disintegrated into smaller states in ( 1287 )_

• Following the rejection of Mongol demands for tribute in 1271
• and later, Burmese raids into Yünnan,
• and the death of Narathihapate (who ruled 1254-87),
• Mongol forces looted Pagan and destroyed its power.
• The invasion of Shan tribes, forced southward by the Mongols, led to the division of Burma into a number of petty states.

The chief states among them being_

• Toungoo (established 1280),
• Pegu in southern Burma,
• and Ava in the middle and lower Irrawaddy Valley (established as capital 1365).

After the collapse of Pagan authority, Burma was divided.

Sagaing had been established as a capital, but later Sagaing fell to the Shan, the court moved across the river to Ava.

1. Burmese Ava Dynasty (1364-527) was eventually established at the city of Ava by 1364.
2. The kings of Ava set about restoring Burmese supremacy, which had disintegrated after the collapse of Pagan to the Mongol invasion under Kublai Khan that ended the First Burmese Empire founded by King Anawrattha in 1057.
3. The kingdom lacked easily defendable borders, however, and was overrun by the Shan in 1527.
4. There were repeated Shan/Tai raids on the capital of Ava and Ava sent military northwards to attack Tai fiefdoms such as Mong Mao.
5. The Kingdom of Ava was involved in continuous warfare with Tai (Shan) princelings to the north on the frontier with Yunnan.
6. The Ming dynasty that ruled China from the late fourteenth century often tried unsuccessfully to put an end to this warfare through traditional Chinese diplomacy.
7. Ava occasionally became involved in the warfare between the Ming and Tai in Yunnan such as in the Luchuan-Pingmian Campaigns (1436-49).

Toungoo Dynasty  

King Mingyinyo founded the First Toungoo Dynasty (1486-1599) at Toungoo, south of Ava, towards the end of the Ava dynasty.

1. After the conquest of Ava by the Shan invaders in 1527 many Burmans migrated to Toungoo which became a new center for Burmese rule.
2. The dynasty conquered the Mohnyin Shan peoples in northern Burma.By this time, the geopolitical situation in Southeast Asia had changed dramatically.
3. Mingyinyo’s son king Tabinshwehti (1531-50) unified most of Burma.
4. The Shan gained power in a new kingdom in the North, Ayutthaya (Siam), while the Portuguese had arrived in the south and conquered Malacca.
5. With the coming of European traders, Burma was once again an important trading centre, and Tabinshwehti moved his capital to Pegu due to its strategic position for commerce. Tabinshwehti was able to gain control of Lower Burma up to Prome,
6. but the campaigns he led to the Arakan, Ayutthaya, and Ava in Upper Burma were unsuccessful.
7. When Tabinshwehti’s brother-in-law, Bayinnaung (1551-81), Tabinshwehti’s brother-in-law, succeeded to the throne he launched a campaign of conquest invading several states, including Manipur (1560) and Ayutthaya (1569).
8. An energetic leader and effective military commander, he made Toungoo the most powerful state in Southeast Asia,
9. and extended his borders from Laos to Ayutthaya, near Bangkok.
10. His wars stretched Myanmar to the limits of its resources, however, and both Manipur and Ayutthaya, which had remained under Myanmar domination for 15 years, were soon independent once again.
11. Bayinnaung was poised to deliver a final, decisive assault on the kingdom of Arakan when he died in 1581.

 The Toungoo rulers withdrew from southern Burma and founded a second dynasty at Ava as the Restored Toungoo Dynasty (1597-1752), because_

• they Faced with rebellion by several cities
• and renewed Portuguese incursions

Bayinnaung’s grandson, Anaukpetlun, once again reunited Burma in 1613 and decisively defeated Portuguese attempts to take over Burma.

Encouraged by the French in India, Pegu finally rebelled against Ava, further weakening the state, which fell in 1752.

To further understand the History of Shans, we need to also review or know at least the brief history of   Thailand.

Siam (Thailand)

Early in the 11th century, Dvaravati (See Mainland Southeast Asia) was annexed to Cambodia; Haripunjaya retained its independence.

• In the 13th century, Haripunjaya was overrun by a migration of Tai, or Shan, peoples from the north.  
• In the year 1281, Tai leader Mangrai (1239-1317) conquered the kingdom of Haripunjaya at Lamphun. For two decades he fought Mongols who were threatening Tais from the north.
• He is known as the founder of the kingdom of Lan Na, centered at Chiengmai, with cultural contributions influenced by Buddhist thought.  
• In the year 1279-98, Ramkamhaeng ruled over the kingdom of Sukothai,
• which he extended from Vientiane in the east to Pegu in the west.
• Most important contributions were in areas of literature, sculpture, and religion; these developments strongly influenced Tai (+ Myanmar) cultural attainments as well.  
• In the year 1350, migration of Tai, or Shan, accelerated by the Mongol conquest of the Tai state of Nan-chao (in modern Yünnan and southern Szechwan) in 1253,
• led eventually to the suppression of the Khmer kingdoms

and the setting up of the Tai kingdom of Siam, with its capital at Ayuthia, founded by Rama Tiboti.

The early Siamese state was from the first under the influence of both Hinayana Buddhism and Chinese political institutions. The location of the Siamese state at a center of maritime commerce gave it a distinct advantage in its power struggle with Angkor. The ability to_

• adopt the Angkorian-style administrative skills of the Mons and Khmers,
• the martial skills of the Tais,
• and the wealth and commercial skills of the local Chinese merchant communities was its legacy to the Tais’ cultural development.

Toward the end of the 13th century, a form of writing had been invented for the Siamese language.  

Siamese invasion of Cambodia in 1350-1460  finally led to the abandonment of Angkor (1431) and collapse of the Khmer Empire.  

In the year 1371, Siamese embassy at Nanking inaugurated tributary relations with the newly founded Ming dynasty.    

Intermittent friction between Siam and the Tai state of Chiengmai in the northern Menam Valley in 1376-1557 _

• ended with the destruction of Chiengmai by the Burmese.  
• During the 14th and 15th centuries, strong Siamese influence was exerted over the disunited states of Burma
• and the northern part of the Malay Peninsula.

 Siam (Ayutthaya) (Because of this first capital of Thai, Ayuttha, we Burmese called Thais as Yow Da Yar)

Administrative centralization of Siam attributed to efforts of King Trailokanat (r. 1448-88); but most of institutionalized form of government probably resulted from reign of King Naresuen the Great (r. 1590-1605).

• Under this king, Siam regained its independence from Burma
• and emerged as most powerful kingdom in mainland Southeast Asia.  
• Development of overseas trade can be dated as early as 1368. By the early modern period, Siam was a major source for sappanwood and pepper in the Chinese trading network.  
• Siamese adopted Hinduism along with Theravada Buddhism.
• Hindu concept of divine kingship,
• and accompanying rituals, provided important sources of legitimation.

But in Siamese society, the claim to divinity operated without the internal checks characteristic of India, for Brahmans had little influence at the court. This may explain the pronounced aspect of absolutism in Siam.

• Yet Buddhism was dominant in the cultural system that emerged in the early modern period, particularly in providing signs of legitimation (and delegitimation in the face of popular unrest) for rulers.
• Royal interaction with sangha (groups of monks) provided especially important occasions for public statements of rulers’ support of Buddhist precepts; nevertheless, Thai rulers closely controlled the sangha through cultural patronage (their support ranged from sponsorship of architecture and sculpture to public processions).  

In 1569, first fall of Ayutthaya to invading Burmese army although_ 

• In 1538, as a measure of impact of military technology, King Phrachai (r. 1534-46) retained 120 Portuguese to instruct Siamese soldiers in musketry.  
• In 1550, new fortification style was introduced around the Siamese capital.
• King Maha Thammarcha (r. 1569-90) also purchased large supplies of foreign cannon.

In 1590, King Naresuen the Great regained independence and utilized political, economic, and military forces to transform fragmented kingdom into relatively centralized state.  

• Portuguese trading stations were established in the 16th century.
• Around the beginning of the 17th century large numbers of Japanese were active in Siam in war and trade.
• In 1602 a Dutch trading post was established at Patani,
• where the English soon followed, until their withdrawal from Siam in 1623.
• R. 1656-88 King Narai most energetic in pursuit of trade with foreigners.
• His curiosity about Persian and French cultures made his court known for its openness.  
• 1664 By a commercial treaty, the Dutch gained a monopoly of Siamese foreign trade,
• which was, however, thwarted by French intrigue; a French embassy and military expedition (1685) in turn failed to secure the acceptance of Christianity and French influence and led to 
• In 1688 a popular revolt that began a period of prolonged civil war. Prompted in part by reaction against Narai’s openness, it became anti-European. European trade languished,
• But Chinese and Muslim trade continued at a high level to take up the slack.  
• In 1690s, a dramatic decline in trade with Muslims and Europeans could be measured, although the Chinese trade helped to fill the gap. 

In 1767, Burmese invasion destroyed Ayuthia

• and compelled temporary acceptance of Burmese rule until 1782,
• when Rama I founded a new Siamese dynasty, with its capital at Bangkok.
• Even in period of political anarchy, great cultural activity emerged.
• Rama issued royal decrees aimed at controlling the sangha and addressing the need to harness the manpower represented by idle monks.

Now the time is ripe to look at the Contemporary Shan State.

Contemporary Shan State

 From the Wikipedia enclyclopedia_

Shan State is a state located in Myanmar (Burma), which takes its name from the Shan people, the majority ethnic group in the Shan State. Shan State comprises 69 townships, including 24 newly-created townships in Special Region 2 (Wa Area). Its capital is Taunggyi. The state is largely rural. Major cities of Shan State are Lashio, Kengtong and Taunggyi.

Contents

1. Sub states, districts and townships
2. Geography
3. Education
4. Economy
5. Population History References

Continue to read about the Shan State in the Wikipedia enclyclopedia.

Contemporary Shan Nationals 

From the Wikipedia enclyclopedia_ 

The Shan (Burmese: ; IPA: [?án lùmjó?]; Chinese: ??; pinyin: d?n zú) are a Tai ethnic group of Southeast Asia. The Shan live primarily in the Shan State of Burma (Myanmar), but also inhabit parts of Mandalay Division, Kachin State, and Kayin State, and in adjacent regions of China, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam. The Shan are estimated to number ~6 million; a reliable census has not been taken since 1935. The capital of Shan State is Taunggyi, a small city of about 150,000 people. Other major cities include Thibaw (Hsipaw), Lashio, Kengtong and Tachileik.

The valleys and tableland are inhabited by the Shans, who in language and customs resemble the Thais, Dai, and the Lao. They are largely Buddhists and are mainly engaged in agriculture. Among the Shans live the Bamar, Chinese, and Karens. The hills are inhabited by various peoples, notably the Wa, who are numerous in the north and along the Chinese border.The Palaung People are numerous in the Northern Shan State, in Namkham, Muse, Nampaka, Kut Kai, and Lashio Townships along the Burma China Border and also in the middle of Shan State, in Namsarn, Kyat Mae and Thipal Townships. The population of the Palaung people is over 1 million. Some of the Palaung people in Kalaw and Aung Pan in the Southern Shan State. There is a dwindling population of Anglo-Burmese in major hill stations, such as Kalaw and in Taunggyi, a hold-over from the colonial period.

Contents

1. Etymology  
2. Culture
3. Language
4.  History List of Shan States and rulers
5. Politics Independence and exiled government

Etymology

The Shan identify themselves as “Tai”, which means “free men” while “Shan” is a Burmese language term.[1] The Shan share their creation myth with the Lao people and believe their race was founded by Khun Borom the first king to establish Sip Song Pan Na (12 thousand Fields) along the Mekong (Mae Nam Kong).

The Shan people as a whole can be divided into four major groups:

1. The Tai Yai or “Shan Proper”
2. The Tai Lue, located in Sipsong Panna (China) and the eastern states
3. The Tai Khuen, the majority of Keng Tung (Thai:????????)
4. The Tai Neua, mostly in Sipsong Panna(Thai:??????????? or ???????????).

Culture

The Shan are traditionally wet-rice cultivators, shopkeepers, and artisans. Most Shan are Theravada Buddhists and/or observe their traditional religion, which is related to animist practices.

Language

The Shan language, which is spoken by about 5 or 6 millions is closely related to Thai and Lao, and is part of the family of Tai-Kadai languages. It is spoken in Shan State, some parts of Kachin State, some parts of Sagaing Division in Burma, parts of Yunnan, and Mae Hong Son Province in northwestern Thailand.[2] The two major dialects differ in number of tones: Hsenwi Shan has six tones, while Mongnai Shan has five.[3] Its written script is an adaptation of the Mon script (like Burmese), although several other scripts exist.[3] However, few Shan are literate, and many are bilingual in Burmese.

History

The Tai-Shan people are believed to have migrated from Yunnan in China. The Shan are descendants of the oldest branch of the Tai-Shan, known as Tai Long (Great Tai) or Thai Yai (Big Thai). The Tai-Shan who migrated to the south and now inhabit modern-day Laos and Thailand are known as Tai Noi (or Tai Nyai), while those in parts of northern Thailand and Laos are commonly known as Tai Noi (Little Tai – Lao spoken) [1] The Shan have inhabited the Shan Plateau and other parts of modern-day Myanmar as far back as the 10th century AD. The Shan kingdom of Mong Mao (Muang Mao) existed as early as the 10th century AD but became a Burmese vassal state during the reign of King Anawrahta of Bagan (Pagan)(1044-1077). Note: the Mao people are consider a Shan subgroup.

After the Bagan kingdom fell to the Mongols in 1287, the Tai-Shan people quickly gained power throughout South East Asia, and founded:

• Lan Xang (Laos)
• Lanna (Chiang Mai)
• Ayutthaya (Siam)
• Assam
• Ava by Burmanized Shan kings
• Bago by Monized Shan kings
• Several Shan states in the Shan hills, Kachin hills, Yunnan and parts of Vietnam.

Many famous Ava and Bago kings of Burmese history were of (partial) Shan descent.

• The Burmanized Shan kings of Ava fought Monized Shan kings of Bago for control of Ayeyarwady valley.
• Various Shan states fought Burmanized Shan kings of Ava for the control of Upper Myanmar.
• The Shan kingdom of Monyin (Mong Yang) defeated the Ava kingdom in 1527, and ruled all of Upper Myanmar until 1555.

Burmese king Bayinnaung (1551-1581) conquered all of the Shan states in 1557. Although the Shan states would become a tributary to Ayeyarwady valley based Burmese kingdoms for many centuries, the Shan Saophas retained a large degree of autonomy and often allied themselves with either ChiangMai, Ayuttaya or Siam.

After the Third Anglo-Burmese War in 1885, the British gained control of the Shan states and pushed the borders to the mountains, thereby robbing Siam of thousands of square miles of territory.

(The last Burmese king Thibaw was half-Shan.)

Under the British colonial administration, the Shan principalities were administered separately as British protectorates with limited monarchical powers invested in the Shan Saophas.

After World War II, the Shan and other ethnic minority leaders negotiated with the majority Burman leadership at the Panglong Conference, and agreed to gain independence from Britain as part of Union of Burma. The Shan states were given the option to secede after 10 years of independence. The Shan states became Shan State in 1948 as part of the newly independent Burma.

General Ne Win’s coup d’etat overthrew the democratically elected government in 1962, and abolished Shan saopha system. In an effort to extract themselves from under the Burmese thumb, various Shan political organizations have attempted ro reassert Siam’s (Thailand) ancient claim to the Shan States, but without success.

Politics

The Shan have been engaged in an intermittent civil war within Burma for decades. There are two main armed rebel forces operating within Shan State: the Shan State Army/Special Region 3 and Shan State Army/Restoration Council of Shan State. In 2005 the SSNA was effectively abolished after its surrender to the Burmese government, some units joined the SSA/RCSS, which has yet to sign any agreements, and is still engaged in guerrilla warfare against the Burma Army.

During conflicts, the Shan (Thai Yai) are often burned out of their villages and forced to flee into Thailand. There, they are not given refugee status, and often work as undocumented laborers. Whether or not there is an ongoing conflict, the Shan are subject to depredations by the Burmese government; in particular, young men may be impressed into the Burmese Army for indefinite periods, or they may be enslaved to do road work for a number of months – with no wages and no food. The horrific conditions inside Burma have led to a massive exodus of young Shan males to neighboring Thailand, where they typically find work in construction, at daily wages which run about 100-200 baht. However unsatisfactory these conditions may be, all of these refugees are well aware that at least they are being paid for their work, and that every day spent in Thailand is another day that the Burmese government cannot impress or enslave them. Some estimates of Shan refugees in Thailand run as high as two million, an extremely high number when compared with estimates of the total Shan population at some six million.

Independence and Exiled Government

His Royal Highness Prince Hso Khan Fa (sometimes written as Surkhanfa in Thai) of Yawnghwe, lives in exile in Canada. He is campaigning for the government of Burma to respect the traditional culture and indigenous lands of the Shan people, and he works with Shan exiles abroad helping to provide schooling for displaced Shan children whose parents are unable to do so. He hopes to provide Shan children with some training in life skills so they can fend for themselves and their families in the future.

In addition, opinion has been voiced in Shan State and in neighbouring Thailand, and to some extent in farther-reaching exile communities, in favour of the goal of “total independence for Shan State.” This came to a head when, in May 2005, Shan elders in exile declared independence for the Federated Shan States.

The declaration of independence, however, was rejected by most other ethnic minority groups, many Shan living inside Burma, and Burma’s leading opposition party, the National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Despite this dissenting opinion, the Burma Army has begun a crackdown on Shan civilians as a result of the declaration, and Shan people have reported an increase in restrictions on their movements, and an escalation in Burma Army raids on Shan villages.

See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khun_Sa

 

 

Ko Mya Aye Burmese Muslim 88 Students Group Leader

Ko Mya Aye

Burmese Muslim

(88 Students Group Leader)

 

Junta pins democracy activists to the wall

Ko Dee
Mizzima News

April 6, 2007 – Pro democracy activists in Burma are slowly and steadily being pushed to the wall by the military junta which has stepped up restrictions and suppression both in economic and social terms, political dissidents in Rangoon said.

The 88 generation students, a group of pro-democracy activists, in a statement yesterday said, the junta, which grabbed power in 1988, after brutally suppressing student and civil protestors, despite their promise to install a democratic government, has continually suppressed political dissidence.

“In reality, however, those who are trying to restore democracy are marginalized from others as political activists, and have consequently become victims of oppression against the free practice of their economic and social rights,” the statement said.

The 88 generation students issued the statement following the junta’s order to shut-down a business venture run by the family of a former political prisoner and a second-rung leader of the 88 generation student – Ko Mya Aye.

On March 30, the municipal authorities in Rangoon ordered the closure of the Rangoon-Mandalay Thamadi Carrier Service headed by Maung Maung Aung, a younger brother of Mya Aye.

A letter from the municipality directed the office to be closed and informed the authorities to cancel the license to operate or action would be taken.While no reasons were given as to why the order was passed, activists viewed it as an attempt by the junta to muffle the voices of dissidence.Nyan Win, the spokesperson of Burma’s main political opposition party – National League for Democracy, said, “I agree with what the students said in the statement. It is not only the students who are targeted but also other political activists. Doctors have had their license withheld, and business ventures are being close-down.”

BBC Report about Ko Mya Aye

Speaking to the BBC, 88 Generation student leader Ko Mya Aye – one of the petition’s organisers – said they were seeking a peaceful political transformation in Burma and encouraging the people to participate.

“We will continue with peaceful and legal means to help achieve national reconciliation in Burma”, says Ko Mya Aye who is one of the leading members of 88 Generation Students group.

The campaign began on October 2 and concluded on October 23.

 

RFA REPORT ABOUT KO MYA AYE

Mya Aye, a student leader during the 1988 uprising, said in an interview from Burma that the three men, with whom he had been meeting regularly, hadn’t committed any crimes and were in fact being treated well in detention.

“We talk solely about the paths to national reconciliation-how to bring it about how to rebuild our country. We didn’t commit any crimes,” Mya Aye said.

Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, and Htay Kywe were being held separately and “well looked after,” Mya Aye said, citing well-placed sources.

said in an interview from Burma that the three men, with whom he had been meeting regularly, hadn’t committed any crimes and were in fact being treated well in detention.

“We talk solely about the paths to national reconciliation-how to bring it about how to rebuild our country. We didn’t commit any crimes,” Mya Aye said.

Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, and Htay Kywe were being held separately and “well looked after,” Mya Aye said, citing well-placed sources.

Call for reconciliation

“When they were under detention, they were called in a number of times and asked about their views and convictions-I think that’s what is happening now,” he said. “We are closely monitoring the situation and will contact the authorities as necessary.”

“We believe only in national reconciliation. We don’t want to hurt anyone or favor anyone. The basic principles we hold are that any solution should be based on the results of the 1990 general election, on dialogue, democracy, and human rights,” he said.

“Our spirit is our only defense, and if they come to detain us we will just have to face it.”

Our spirit is our only defense, and if they come to detain us we will just have to face it.

Mya Aye, student leader in 1988 uprising

In Washington, the U.S. State Department said it was “deeply troubled” by the reported detentions and called on the ruling junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), to release them immediately and unconditionally.

“Our spirit is our only defense, and if they come to detain us we will just have to face it.”

Our spirit is our only defense, and if they come to detain us we will just have to face it.

Mya Aye, student leader in 1988 uprising

Original reporting by RFA’s Burmese service. Additional reporting by Richard Finney. Produced in English by Luisetta Mudie and Sarah Jackson-Han

 

DVB Report_

88 students call for agreement on reforms

Reporting by Aye Naing

June 28, 2007 (DVB)-The 88 Generation Students today called on the Burmese government and opposition actors to cooperate with each other over political reforms and to engage in genuine dialogue.

In a statement, the student group said that the National League for Democracy, the winners of the 1990 election, the State Peace and Development Council and ethnic minority leaders needed to work together on Burma’s new constitution.

“A friendly political society where all the issues of disagreements and suspicions can be raised, discussed, compromised and made clear in independence and in honesty is essential,” the 88 Generation Students statement said.

“We, the 88 Generation Students, would like to urge the Tatmadaw government to create such a political society and that the National League for Democracy and all the ethnic parties to put effort into making this good political society possible.”

Former student leader Ko Mya Aye said the holding of the final session of the constitution-drafting National Convention next month provided the government, the opposition and ethnic minority groups with an opportunity to cooperate.

He also said that the 88 Generation Students group believed that as the final session of the National Convention will focus on the amendment procedures and revisions of the current constitutional draft it dialogue was now essential.

“We hope a good situation comes out of it . . . This constitution will look significantly better if the National League for Democracy, whose representatives have won a lot of seats in the 1990 elections, and all the ethnic representatives had a chance to participate in creating it,” Ko Mya Aye said.

“Dialogue is essential if this is to happen . . . People should not ignore this . . . If we do, our country will go under this dark cloud of extreme chaos. We cannot let this happen. Dialogue should be initiated whenever and wherever possible,” he said.

FRONT LINE Human Rights defenders

On 22 August 2007, a rare public protest over a sharp rise in fuel prices led to a wave arrests by the Burmese junta. Those arrested included the senior leadership of the 88 Generation Students group as well as members of other student and civil advocacy groups.Hundreds of demonstrators had taken to the streets to express their anger at the surprise increase in fuel prices. Natural gas prices have risen 500% and petrol and diesel prices have almost doubled, according to the Guardian. The rise has hit poor labourers particularly hard, swallowing up to half of their daily income.

The 88 Generation Students group is an organisation synonymous with the long struggle for democracy in military-ruled Burma and take their name from a 1988 student-led uprising crushed by the military. In a rare announcement in all state-run newspapers, the junta said that the dissidents were arrested for undermining the peace and security of the state, according to The Epoch Times.

Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Ko Mya Aye, Ko Pyone Cho, Ko Jimmy and Ko Yin Htun were among those from the 88 Generation Student group arrested.On 21 August 2007, 14 student leader of the 88 Student Generation of Democracy were arrested.

The 14 members are Paw U Tun (also known as Min Ko Naing), Ko Ko Gyi, Pyone Cho (also known as Htay Win Aung), Min Zeyar, Ko Mya Aye, Ko Jimmy (Kyaw Min Yu), Zeya, Ant Bwe Kyaw, Kyaw Kyaw Htwe (Marki), Panneik Tun, Zaw Zaw Min, Thet Zaw, Nyan Lin Tun, Ko Yin Htun,They were arrested by security officials and members of the state backed Union Solidarity Development Association (USDA).

Front Line previously wrote to the Burmese Government on 27 August 2007 expressing concern about the arrest and detention of Paw U Tun, Ko Ko Gyi, Pyone Cho, and Min Zeyar.All 14 human rights defenders were arrested by police officials on the eve of a major protest in Yangon on 22 August 2007.

No warrants were produced for the arrests and according to an article published in the state-run newspaper New Light of Myanmar they will be charged under Law 5/96, which provides for up to 20 years in prison, for their involvement in “acts undermining the efforts to successfully carry out peaceful transfer of state power and facilitate the proceedings of the National Convention.” Following the arrests, members of the security forces allegedly searched the homes of the afore-mentioned individuals and confiscated documents and compact discs. Reports claim that they were detained at Kyaikkasan Detention Centre before being transferred to the notorious Insein prison outside Yangon where they may be at risk of torture, including beatings and electric shocks.

88-Generation Student leaders including Ko Mya Aye won the Politicians of the year 2006 for Burma, awarded by Burma Digest.

During the 8888 uprising they had successfully lead the people’s uprising causing the downfall of three successive governments of General Ne Win, Sein Lwin and Dr Maung Maung.

1. The whole world know that the 88 Generation Students have been relentlessly calling peacefully for the non-violent ways of resistance.

2. They are advocating for national reconciliation and

3. even claimed openly that they could forgive and forget every thing even the imprisonment and injustices done on them.

4. Their only fault is they are asking for a peaceful dialogue and pressing for the democracy, human rights and individual freedom.

People’s views on Ko Mya Aye

In BURMA DIGEST year-end poll for “Politician of the Year 2006 Burma“, new leader of 8888 generation pro-democracy student activists in Burma Ko Mya Aye was deservedly overwhelmingly elected as the Politician of the year.Here below is some interesting quotes from remarkable remarks made by our readers on Ko Mya Aye.

¨ SPDC fears 88 generation student leaders most and they can succeed in bringing Burma to democracy.

¨ 88 generation student leaders led a wide campaign for a signature petition to release all political prisoners. That campaign was a very amazing success after the 8888 People Uprising in 1988. In spite of the SPDC junta’s lawless authority to its own people, they did it very strategically, leading a possible path to democracy now and forever.

¨ He is more organized and gives truthful message to the people of Burma where Burmese people didn’t know how to show their democracy movement peacefully.

¨ I am very exciting of their works for people. Now, many students from inside who are studying at different university joined hands with 88 GSG and are working together for democracy movements and to free political prisoners. I liked his speeches with media……

¨ Ko Mya Aye and 88 GSG (inside Burma; people from inside supported them and join with them as their voice of truth.

¨ The most interesting political group 2006 for Burma is Ko Mya Aye and 8888 Generation Students Group.

¨ They, 8888 generation students, are leading towards democracy movement in Burma and stimulate and try to develop human …..Their have perseverance, tolerance…

¨ During the 8888 uprising they had successfully lead the people’s uprising causing the downfall of three successive governments of General Ne Win, Sein Lwin and Dr Maung Maung.

¨ When you look through the events this year- petition and white expression campaigns that he and his group organized inside Burma showed full commitment and bravery of them, more importantly their moves inspired all pro-democracy activists and people of Burma.

¨ He took over all the responsibilities after Min Ko Naing, Pyone Cho, MinZaYa, Htay Kywel and Ko Ko Gyi were arrested. I like his speeches in Media; it made us wake up to involve in Freeing up Burma.

¨ He is a good leader of us after Min Ko Naing. We support him.¨ Greatest generation of Burma after independent heroes

¨ We are new generations, they are model for us.

¨ I support him. I like his speeches with media; it encourages people to fight for truth and against unlawful military rule.

¨ The student activists have been sacrificing their lives endlessly. They are national heroes.

¨ they show their desire for democracy without fear and people from inside were very interested of their work for democracy movements

¨ I like his speeches which are very exciting for our people. He is the one who voice out for people through media without fearing of SPDC.

¨ His speeches make me keen to involve for democracy movements and I really support him and his friends

¨ He suffers the same as people suffer.

¨ He never gives up fighting for truth. I like his speeches.

¨ I like his personalities, he did things right and he encourages people to express the truth.

¨ We need a leader like Ko Mya Aye after Min-Ko-Naing was arrested

¨ I am surprised by his courage and we need him for the future of Burma.

¨ He is the second “Min-Ko-Naing”

¨ He who speaks out for our people. He is the one who respects his “Ye baw Ye bat” inside Burma.

¨ We like him because of his work for people.

¨ He courageously express his view of truth and he encourages people not to fear of expressing truth

¨ He is a Hero after Min-Ko-Naing.

¨ He is a good leader and fighter for truth.

¨ I could not work for my country people like him. I admired him. I am strongly vote him for the most interesting political personality 2006 for our country.

¨ I would like to vote for him. Although I don’t know him in person, I listened his speeches in media. It made me very excited and felt like suffering same as him.

(Reported by Dr. Tayza)

Also See in Burmese_

Copied and pasted below

Politician of the Year 2006 Burma

January 15, 2007 by burmadigest

Who is Politician of the Year 2006 Burma?

The politician of the year is a person who has led the people in the most significant and most important political movement during the year.

The most significant and most important political movement during this year is the White-coloured people power movement signifying people’s innocent and peaceful desire to get freedom, democracy and human-rights. And it was led by new generation student leaders.

So now thousands of readers of BURMA DIGEST have overwhelmingly voted new generation student leader Ko Mya Aye as The Politician of the Year 2006 Burma!

Final Voting Results

(validated at two decimal points)

* Only one vote from one IP address is counted.

¨ Ko Mya Aye 21.52%

¨ Daw Aung San Suu Kyi 18.83%

¨ 8888 students 9.97%

¨ Ko Min Ko Naing 9.07%

¨ Nurul Islam 3.73%

¨ Dr. Cynthia Maung 3.69%

¨ Snr. Gen. Than Shwe 3.16%

¨ Sao Yawd Serk 3.12%

¨ U Aye Thar Aung 2.79%

¨ Dr. Nay Win Maung 2.59%

¨ Su Su New 2.27%

¨ U Maung Sein 2.21%

¨ U Win Tin 1.83%

¨ U Maung Maung (NCUB) 1.80%

¨ Nan Charm Tong 1.78%

¨ Ko Jimmy 1.75%

¨ Karen National Union & Saw Bo Mya 1.55%

¨ U Myint Aye (Human-rights Defender) 1.45%

¨ John Bolton 1.35%

¨ Nan Ohn Hla (NLD) 0.25%

¨ Daw Nan Khin Hla Myint (NLD) 0.15%

¨ Ludu U Sein Win 1.10%

¨ Ko Thet Win Aung 0.98%

¨ Ko Ko Gyi 0.85%

¨ Dr. Thaung Htun 0.75%

¨ Ko Aung Din 0.65%

¨ Ko Htay Kywe 0.54%

¨ Ko Min Zeya 0.46%

¨ Zoya Phan 0.35%

¨ Ma Phyu Phyu Thein (HIV NGO) 0.23%

¨ Ko Tun Tun (political activist) 0.17%

¨ Gen. Maung Aye 0.05%

Multiple votes from a single IP address are discarded. One IP address, one vote only.

Although I was in the Editorial team I voted for the whole team of 88-Generation Student leaders and never had the access or had influence the results. Please see the following article which I wrote as a vote.

My article in Burma Digest_

There is precedence to giving out an award to an organization for the award initially or usually meant for a person e.g. Noble Peace Prizes and Times magazine’s “man of the year” awarded to organizations.

Therefore, I hereby wish to nominate 88-Generation Student leaders for the Politicians of the year 2006 for Burma. During the 8888 uprising the had successfully lead the people’s uprising causing the downfall of three successive governments of General Ne Win, Sein Lwin and Dr Maung Maung.

Paw Oo Tun was a 3rd year zoology student in Rangoon University in 1988. He was a prominent leader in the 8888 people’s uprising. His nom de plume is Min Ko Naing or in English Conqueror of King! 1988 Student uprising started with the death of 2 RIT or Rangoon Institute of Technology students Ko Phone Maw and Ko Soe Naing on 13 March 1988.

In a 1988 speech, the fiery student leader said: “If we want to enjoy the same rights as people in other countries, we have to be disciplined, united and brave enough to stand up to the dictators,” according to Amnesty.

Min Ko Naing was arrested on 23 March 1989, sentenced to 20 years in December 1991, which was later commuted to 10 years. He was not released after completing his sentence in 1999. Moe The Zun, Ko Ko Gyi, Jimmy, Min Zayar, Pyone Cho and Htay Kywe are prominent leaders of 88-Generation Students group. Min Ko Naing was freed in Nov 2004. Immediately after his release, he had two interviews with the BBC and the RFA or Radio Free Asia.

Ko Min Ko Naing was only free for 11 months after a 16 year term in the Akyab prison; Ko Ko Gyi was released in March 2005 after nearly 14 years imprisonment.The SPDC Junta rearrested the 88 Generation Student leaders Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi and Htay Kywe on September 27 and Min Zayar and Pyone Cho on September 30, 2006. The arresting law enforcement persons told the student leaders and their family members that the top generals wanted to see them for discussions.

1. In many civilized countries that practice Rule of Just Laws, the arresting authorities must tell the person why they were arrested, the reason for their arrest, under which Section of the Law and may need to show the arrest warrant.

2. If any thing wrong or even if the warrant is technically defective they could be released with the Habeas corpus application at the respective court of law. Actually,

3. Human Rights and individual freedom covers all the aspects of humans_

4. All the citizens must enjoy the Freedom from arbitrary arrest, detention, and torture like this re-arrest of the 88 Generation Student leaders.

5. All individuals are “innocent until proven otherwise”

At the press conference, the SPDC falsely accused that they had detained the student leaders for questioning related to terrorist attacks and for the financial aid received from the foreign embassies. SPDC claimed that they have to arrest in order to prevent internal unrest and instability The embassies had denied the accusation of given any financial support and the whole world knew that the 88 Generation Students are not terrorists at all. If SPDC could not prove their ridiculous accusations, their international credibility and dignity would go down the drain further more.

1. The whole world know that the 88 Generation Students have been relentlessly calling peacefully for the non-violent ways of resistance.

2. They are advocating for national reconciliation and

3. even claimed openly that they could forgive and forget every thing even the imprisonment and injustices done on them.

4. Their only fault is they are asking for a peaceful dialogue and pressing for the democracy, human rights and individual freedom.

Min Ko Naing and his colleagues were slowly reactivating Burmese People for a political awareness and taking the leader role from the senile and inactive NLD leaders. Although they had suffered a lot in the jails for a long time, they are not scared and started their political activities again. They organized the 18th anniversary of the 1988 uprising in August this year where few thousands of people dare to attend. They requested the military leaders to start a dialogue with the opposition and ethnic leaders instead of continuing the National Convention.

The top leaders were arrested on 27^th June 2006 on the 18^th anniversary of the founding of the National League for Democracy.

On the 02^nd October the remaining 88 Generation Students group started_

• the first-ever-public- campaign against the SPDC

• and gathered signatures for a petition calling for the release of political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

• More than half a million people sign the petition although they were harassed by SPDC Kyant Phuts and their thugs. The signatures were later presented to the UN.

Later they organized_

• “White Expression”

• requesting the people to wear white clothes to protest the SPDC. It was continued until the 44th birthday of Ko Min Ko Naing on 18 October.

On the 29th October, they started a third campaign,

• called “Multi Religious Prayer Campaign,”

• and requested the people to wear white clothing

• and hold candlelight vigils

• and prayers in temples, churches and mosques.

Ko Mya Aye & Ko Jimmy, the remaining ones of the 88 Generation leaders told the BBC Burmese fearlessly_

“Burmese people have to stay away from politics, because the government has kept them out. They are always looking for a way to participate in politics, so that is why we are trying to involve them.”

So the 88 Generation Student Group and Leaders are the prime movers and shakers of Burma Politics in 2006.

Campaigners and relatives said among those arrested were Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Ko Mya Aye, Ko Yin Htun and Ko Jimmy, leaders of a 1988 democracy movement that was crushed by the regime.

Min Ko Naing, whose name means “Conqueror of Kings” and who was released last year after 15 years in jail, is probably the best-known activist after Aung San Suu Kyi. She remains under house arrest, having spent nearly 17 years imprisoned.

“Military intelligence and government intelligence seized their houses and searched their houses,” another dissident, Htay Kywe, who escaped, said from neighbouring Thailand.

Despite the arrests, reports from Burma said campaigners again took to the streets yesterday to protest against the government’s recent increase in fuel prices.