Rangoon University Students Union

RUSU

…

The political movement and the struggle for national liberation have a unique character in Burma as the students were always seen as the mobilizing force at the forefront of the struggle for freedom of Burma. The student movement is inseparable from the historic struggle for Burma’s independence from both colonial power and dictatorship.

Dr U Nyo had donated the Rangoon University Students Union building where students with the nationalistic spirit used to gather. Union building was finished before the start of 1931 summer holidays. Rangoon University and Yudathan College students gathered in that building for the first time and had a combined meeting. In that meeting they formed a protean committee for the drawing up of the constitution for the Students Union.

Ko Rashid led 9 member committee and that meeting decided_

1. Students to vote and elect the committee members.

2. To draw the University Students Union constitution.

3. Discuss how to elect and choose the committee members.

4. At that meeting temporary working committee was organized to supervise and hold an election for the Union Chairman and Committee Members.

Once the 1931-32 university semesters started, protean committee members had already finished the constitution.  The constitution, rules and regulations were also distributed to the Union members. Protean committee members called the union students a meeting at the upstairs hall in the union building and discussed about the election for the chairman post.

At that time, Ko Htun Sein had resigned from the Maths Department and was reading first year Law. Because of Ko Htun Sein’s outspokenness, courage, nationalistic spirit and great ambition, Thakhin Ba Sein wrote a proposal letter, nominating Ko Htun Sein for the Union Chairman post.  

Election Committee announced the election date and fixed to be held only in the next month. No one was nominated to compete with Ko Htun Sein for many days. University authority (?Professor or Principle) ? D J Slorce’s crony students nominated Ko Ein, later became Galone U Saw’s minister (U Saw was the person who assassinated General Aung San)  to compete with Ko Htun Sein.

Therefore that election became the first in the history of the Student’s Union to be contested for the Chairman post. The University Students’ Union was ready in the University compound and became the centre of Nationalist movement of students. (That building was dynamited by General Ne Win)

Ko Htun Sein and Ko Ein’s supporters campaign very hard for them. Ko Ein’s supporters campaigned with extreme methods such as mixing politics with religion. They used religion to rundown Ko Htun Sein. Even those disliked Ko Ein and defended Ko Htun Sein could not stand the attacks using religion and at last had to change camps to support Ko Ein. During the election the religious extremists voted for Ko Ein. Crony students of the university authorities also voted for Ko Ein.

The election was quite active. The votes were counted thoroughly and finished at 11 PM.

Then the Election Committee Chairman Ko Kyaw Khin announced_

“Dear University Union Students, when the Election Committee members counted the votes, there is tie of votes. As the two candidates got the equal number of votes, the Election Committee members now have the duty or burden to   choose or elect the Chairman post. According to the Union’s Constitution, if the tally of vote is a tie, the Chairman of the Election Committee is allowed to vote to decide the outcome. If there is any protest or complaint of unfairness during the voting process, we could hold a new pooling to vote again. As the Chairman, I do not wish to decide in haste.  I wish to discuss seriously and thoroughly with all the Election Committee Members. I am telling this to make this election process fair and square.

Allow me to defer from making the decision tonight and kindly let me to give decision by casting my vote tomorrow morning at 8-00 A.M.” Once announce that decision only, Union members went back. 

References:

1. Dr. Myint Swe’s article, “Rangoon University Students Union first Chairman Ko Htun Sein.”
2. Pathi Ko Ko Lay, “History of Myanmar Muslims.”
3. Smart Time Journal, volume (1) serial (5), Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

  

To be continued in next article 

 

Burmese Chinese

The Burmese Chinese or Chinese Burmese are a group of overseas Chinese born or raised in Burma (Myanmar).

Although the Chinese officially make up three percent of the population, this figure may be underestimated because of _

1. intermarriage between them and the ethnic Bamar,

2. and because of widespread discrimination against minorities (which compels many to declare themselves as Bamar when applying for birth certificate or national identification card).

The Burmese Chinese_

1. dominate the Burmese economy,

2. have a disproportionately high percentage of the educated class.

Generally, the Burmese Chinese in Lower Burma fall into three main groups:

1. Burmese called eingyi shay, or let shay lit. long-sleeved shirts to Hokkien and Hakkas from Fujian Province

2.  Burmese called eingyi to, or let to lit. short-sleeved shirts to Cantonese and Hakka   from Guangdong Province

3. So Burmese sometimes called zaka, lit. mid-length sleeve to all the Hakka  from Fujian and Guangdong provinces.

4. But Hakkas are further subdivided into those with

5. ancestry from Fujian Province, called ein-gyi shay ha-ka

6. and Guangdong Province, eingyi to haka respectively.

The Hokkien and Cantonese comprise 45% of the ethnic Chinese population.

The groups have different stereotypical associations.

1. The Cantonese are commonly thought of as the poorest of the Chinese,

2. the Hokkiens are generally wealthier,

3. occupying high positions in the economy,

4. and having connections to the government.

In Upper Burma and Shan Hills,

1. the Panthay

2. and Kokang, are speakers of a Mandarin dialect of the Southwestern Mandarin branch, most akin to Yunnanese.

Combined, they form 21% of Burmese Chinese.

Kokang are_

1. mountain-dwellers

2. and farmers

3. classified as a part of the Shan national race, although they have no linguistic or genetic affinity to the Tai-Kadai-speaking Shan.

Muslim Panthay_

1. are considered as separate local nationalities

2. rather than a Chinese diaspora community.

The Tayoke kabya of mixed Chinese and indigenous Burmese parentage.

1. The kabya (Burmese: mixed heritage) have a tendency to follow the customs of the Chinese more than of the Burmese.

2. Indeed those that follow Burmese customs are absorbed into and largely indistinguishable from the mainstream Burmese society.

3. A large portion of Burmese is thought to have some kabya blood,

4. because immigrants could acquire Burmese citizenship through intermarriage with the indigenous Burmese peoples.

Culture

Language

1. Most Burmese Chinese typically speak Burmese as their mother tongue.

2. Those with higher education also speak Mandarin

3. Those with higher education also speak Mandarin and/or English.

4. Some modern educated use English.

5. Some use, Chinese dialects/languages.

   • Hokkien is mostly used in Yangon as well as in Lower Burma,

   • while Taishan Cantonese and

   • Yunnanese Mandarin are well preserved in Upper Burma.

Conditions of Chinese-language schools_

1. General Ne Win’s (1962-1988) banned on the Chinese-language schools caused a decline of Mandarin speakers.

2. Chinese schools are growing again nowadays because of the increase in investors and businessmen from Mainland China and Taiwan, who uses Standard Mandarin,

Religion

Most Burmese Chinese practice_

1. Theravada Buddhism,

2. incorporating some Mahayana Buddhist

3. and Taoist beliefs,

   • such as the worship of Kuan Yin.

   • Chinese New Year celebrations,

   • as well as other Chinese festivals, are subdued and held privately.

   • Clan associations are often the only places where the Chinese culture is retained.

The Panthay or Chinese Muslims practice Islam.

Education

The Burmese Chinese_

1. place a high importance on education,

2. a disproportionate big share with advanced (medical, engineering or doctorate) degrees. (SOA’s note: it is partly because Muslims are labeled Kala and denied the place for postgraduate educations. The Chinese not only escaped that kind of discrimination but they got the special privileges given by the Chinese blooded political, military and education authorities.)

3. The number would be higher still had it not been for the longstanding ban on those without Burmese citizenship from pursuing advanced degrees.

4. Nowadays, many wealthy Burmese Chinese send their children overseas for further studies especially in US, UK, Canada, Australia, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore.

Names

The Burmese Chinese have_

1. Burmese names

2. and many also have Chinese names.

Names in various Chinese dialects are roughly transliterated into the Burmese.

1. For example, a person named ‘Khin Aung’ may have the Chinese name of ?? (pinyin: Qìngf?ng), with ‘?’ (pinyin: qìng) corresponding to ‘Khin’, and ‘?’ (pinyin: f?ng) corresponding to ‘Aung’.

2. However, variations of transcription do exist (between dialects),

3. and some Burmese Chinese do not choose to adopt similar-sounding Burmese and Chinese names.

4. Because the Burmese lack surnames, many Burmese Chinese tend to pass on portions of their given names to future generations, for the purpose of denoting lineage.

According to publications of Longsei Tang, a clan association based in Yangon, the ten most common Chinese surnames in Yangon are:

1. Li (?)

2. Peng (?)

3. Shi (?)

4. Dong (?)

5. Min (?)

6. Niu (?)

7. Bian (?)

8. Xin (?)

9. Guan (?)

10. Tsui/Hsu(?)

Cuisine

The Burmese Chinese cuisine is based on Chinese cuisine, particularly from

1. Fujian,

2. Guangdong

3. and Yunnan provinces, with local influences.

4. Spices such as turmeric and chili are commonly used.

   • Pauk si

   • Bhè kin

   • Igyakway

   • Htamin kyaw

   • La mont

   • Mewswan

   • San-byoat

   • Panthay khaukswè

   • Sigyet khaukswè

History

1. The earliest records of Chinese migration were in the Song and Ming dynasties.

2. In the 1700s, Ming Dynasty princes settled in Kokang (the northern part of Burma).

3. Chinese traders, however, traveled up to the capital city, northern towns on the Irrawaddy such as Bhamo.

4. There was a Chinese community at Amarapura.

5. Another wave of immigration occurred in the 1800s under the British rule.

6. They came to Burma via Malaysia.

7. When the Chinese Communists expelled the Kuomintang, many fled to Burma and Thailand over the borders of Yunnan Province.

8. The Burmese government fought and removed the armed KMT and forced them to Taiwan; those who managed to stay prospered.

9. The Chinese dominate the highly lucrative rice and gem industries.

10. Many became merchants and traders owning both wholesale and retail businesses.

11. The northern region of Burma has seen an influx of mainland Chinese immigrant workers, black market traders and gamblers.

12. In the Kachin State, which borders China in three directions, Mandarin Chinese is the lingua franca.

They integrated well into Burmese society because they, like the Bamar,

1. were of Sino-Tibetan stock

2. and were Buddhists,

Their success_

1. is reflected in the Burmese saying, “Earn like the Chinese, save like the Indian, and don’t waste money like the Bamar”.

2. They got the nickname pauk hpaw (lit. sibling).

3. During the 1950s, Burma was one of the first countries to recognize the People’s Republic of China as a nation.

However, its own Chinese population was treated as aliens.

1. The Burmese Chinese were issued foreign registration cards (FRC), which declared that they were citizens of China.

2. A similar discrimination policy was set up for Indians.

In 1962, Ne Win led a coup d’état and declared himself head of state. Although a kabya himself, he banned Chinese-language education, and created other measures to compel the Chinese to leave.

1. Ne Win’s government stoked up racial animosity and ethnic conflicts against the Chinese, who were terrorized by Burmese citizens,

2. the most violent riots taking place at the time of the Cultural Revolution in China.

3. When Ne Win implemented the “Burmese Way to Socialism”,

   • a plan to nationalize all industries,

   • the livelihoods of many entrepreneurial Chinese were destroyed

   • and some 100,000 Chinese left the country.

4. All schools were nationalized, including Chinese-language schools.

 Beginning in 1967 and continuing throughout the 1970s, anti-Chinese riots continued to flare up and many believed they were covertly supported by the government.

1. Many Burmese Chinese left the country during Ne Win’s rule, largely because of

   • a failing economy

   • and widespread discrimination.

2. The first government-sponsored racial riots to take place in Burma was in 1967, during General Ne Win’s rule.

3. In the riots, the general populace went on a killing spree

   • because of sedition

   • and instigation against the Chinese

   • by various government departments.

4. The massacre lasted for about five consecutive days, during which_

   • thousands of Chinese died

   • or were left dying in the streets of Rangoon.

   • Some of the Chinese were thrown alive from the second and third floors of buildings in downtown Rangoon.

   • The dead and wounded Chinese were hauled up unceremoniously and dumped onto army trucks and taken to ‘htauk kyan’ incinerators and the ‘carcasses’ were sent up in smoke.

5. That showed the true bestial and cruel side of the character of the ruling Burma Military Junta.

6. The only “crime” the Chinese committed was the wearing of Chairman Mao’s badges on their shirts.

7. Latha Secondary School

   • was torched by the henchmen of General Ne Win’s government,

   • where school girls were burnt alive.

8. Chinese shops were

   • looted

   • and set on fire.

9. Public attention was successfully diverted by Ne Win

   • from the uncontrollable inflation,

   • scarcity of consumer items

   • and rising prices of rice.

Today, the majority of Burmese Chinese live in the major cities of_

1. Yangon,

2. Mandalay,

3. Taunggyi,

4. Bago, and their surrounding areas.

   • According to Global Witness_

   • 30 to 40% of Mandalay’s population consists of ethnic Chinese.

   • Although there are Chinatowns (tayoke tan) in the major cities,

   • the Chinese are widely dispersed.

Notable Burmese Chinese

1. Aung Gyi – leading army dissident and Ne Win’s former deputy/co-conspirator in the 1962 coup

2. Aw Boon Haw (Hakka) – Inventor of Tiger Balm

3. Aw Boon Par (Hakka) – Brother of Aw Boon Haw

4. Eike Htun (Kokang) – Managing director of Olympic Construction Co. and deputy chairman of Asia Wealth Bank, two large conglomerates in Burma

5. Khun Sa (Kokang) – Major Southeast Asian druglord

6. Khin Nyunt – Former Prime Minister (2003-2004) and Chief of Intelligence (1983-2004) of Myanmar

7. Lo Hsing Han (Kokang) – Major Southeast Asian druglord

8. Steven Law (also known as Tun Myint Naing; Kokang) – Managing director of Asia World Company, a major Burmese conglomerate and son of Lo Hsing Han

9. Ne Win (Hakka) – Leader of Burma from 1960s to 1980s

10. San Yu (Hakka) – President of Burma in the 1980s

11. Serge Pun – Proprietor of Yoma Bank, a major banking chain in Myanmar and chairman of First Myanmar Investment Co. Ltd (FMI), one of Myanmar’s leading investment companies

12. Taw Sein Ko (Hokkien) – eminent Director of Archaeology (1901-1915)

13. Thakin Ba Thein Tin – Communist leader from the 1970s to the 1990s

14. Maung Aye – Vice chairman of SPDC and Chief of Staff of Armed Forces

15. Major General Kat Sein – former Minister of Health

16. Dr. Kyaw Myint – Present Minister of Health

17. Myo Thant – Former Minister of Information under SLORC

18. Colonel Tan Yu Sai – Minister of Trade under Ne Win’s government

19. Colonel Kyi Maung- NLD member (1989-2004) and Army Commander of Rangoon in 1960s

20. U Thaung – Minister of Labour & Technical Science, Retired Legion and Ambassador

21. Lun Thi – Minister of Energy

22. Thein Sein – First Secretary of SPDC

23. Kyaw Ba – General Formal Minister of Hotel and Tourism

Reference

Wikipedia

See also:

Malaysian Chinese feelings of his country on Chinese_

(We need to understand the other’s feelings also)

Of course I love my country…

John Lee | Feb 6, 08 3:24pm

I refer to the Malaysiakini report Anwar: Bumi policies affect investments.

I consider myself lucky that I have traveled to almost all the Asean countries and have managed to observe, albeit shallowly, the socio-political structures of our neighbouring countries.

I identify myself as a Malaysian Chinese – the ‘Malaysian’ is an adjective and the ‘Chinese’ is the noun. This is inevitable in Malaysia because the country’s laws and policies are based on racial and religious lines.

I am part of the fourth generation of Hua Ren – the overseas Chinese. The Hua Ren are noticeable in every country – Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Vietnam and, of course, Singapore.

The Malaysian Chinese are unique in the sense that we continue to carry our ancestors’ name without alteration, unlike all of our neighbours, except for Singapore. We are also unique in that, unlike our neighbors, we choose to practice faiths – Buddhism, Taoism, and Christianity – different from the majority race.

None of our neighbours have decided to endorse apartheid, er sorry, affirmative action or bumiputera policies. They seem to be doing well, namely Thailand and Vietnam. In fact, there is a special term for overseas Vietnamese returning home after the war with their fortunes – the Viet Kieu.

I am counting the years before Vietnam overtakes Malaysia as an economic powerhouse. I should know a bit better because in my profession, I assist Malaysian businesses in setting up shop there.

I was born in Malaysia. My identification card says I am a citizen. However, I am classified as a non-bumiputera. My religion is kafir. My economic value is low in my own country because I am a non-bumiputera and a non-Muslim. Yet my economic value is high overseas.

Chinese Malaysian professionals are highly sought after. Malaysian accountants find success in China, London and Australia because they are multi-lingual and very hard working. Being cheaper and less arrogant than Singaporeans is another plus point. The ability to converse in English and Mandarin is highly prized by multinational corporations in China.

 

Heck, half of all Chinese Malaysian professionals are actually future Singaporean citizens.

Even in the Middle East, the Chinese Malaysians are sought after to support the Islamic banking industry because of their hard work and ability to assimilate easily. The Middle Eastern people in the finance industry don’t discriminate against you, but then your women had better wear the burqa and hide in their homes.

In then end, the Chinese Malaysian will continue to actively seek migration, just as their forefathers did. They will accumulate the necessary skills and talents, and then use their entrepreneurial mindset and willingness to work hard and move on once Malaysia becomes a barren place.

The oil will run dry here. The country will be carpeted with palm trees. Malays will overwhelmingly dominate the population. It will look like Indonesia. Then it will look like Pakistan. Finally, it will settle into an Afghanistan.

At last, the Malays will be able to proudly claim that they are no longer contesting for 30 percent of the economic pie. They will actually own 100 percent. I am not too sure of my personal future, as well as my children’s future, but I am not worried about the future of the Hua Ren.

In conclusion, do I love my country? Of course I do. I love my country as much as my country loves me.

 

 

The Golden days of the Great Shan Empire VII

The Golden days of the

Great Shan Empire VII

(I hope BD readers  won’t mind the changing of my BLUE HEADINGS into black, as this is the darkest chapter of Myanmar and Myanmar Tatmadaw History) 

Detention of Ethnic Shan

and other opposition Leaders

Read detail in Irrawaddy,

“Detained Ethnic Leaders Denied Outside Medical Aid”

By Shah Paung on January 8, 2008

Detained ethnic Shan leaders are being denied medical treatment from outside for serious health problems, according to the Shan National League for Democracy.

SNLD chairman Hkun Htun Oo

SNLD spokesman Sai Lek told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that prison authorities had rejected or ignored requests by the families of SNLD chairman Hkun Htun Oo and SNLD member Sai Hla Aung for medical attention from outside.

Hkun Htun Oo suffers from_

1. prostate problems,

2. diabetes,

3. heart disease

4. and high blood pressure.

Sai Hla Aung has_

1. a hyperthyroid condition,

2. diabetes

3. and heart disease.

They were arrested in February 2005, together with_

1. SNLD General-Secretary Sai Nyunt Lwin,

2. Shan State Peace Council President Maj-Gen Sao Hso Ten

3. and Shan politician Shwe Ohn, who was later released.

They were arrested days before a resumed session of the National Convention opposed by Shan leaders.

• Hkun Htun Oo was sentenced to 92 years imprisonment and is detained in Putao prison, Kachin State.

• Sai Nyunt Lwin received a 75 year sentence and is in Kalay prison, Sagaing Division.

• Sao Hso Ten was sentenced to a total of 106 years imprisonment and is in Hkamti prison, Sagaing Division.

• Sai Hla Aung received a sentence of 75 years and is in Kyauk Pyu prison, Arakan State.

• Meanwhile, arrests of National League for Democracy members continue. NLD spokesman Nyan Win said five members of the NLD youth wing had been arrested between Burma Independence Day on January 4 and January 6. No reason has yet been given for the arrests.

• According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), based in neighboring Thailand, there are more than 1,400 political prisoners in Burma.

SPDC Junta and Myanmar Tatmadaw failed to understand that patriotism is not the sole property of the Myanmar Tatmadaw and its Generals alone.

Each and every citizen_

• regardless of his race,

• religion,

• social status

• or political alignment,

has the right and is duty-bound to show his sense of patriotism to the country he loves in his own way.

Tatmadaw failed to acknowledge that the opposition parties like NLD, SNLD etc are equally patriotic, if not more so than SPDC leaders.

Many opposition leaders, to name a few_

1. U Gambari lead real Buddhist monks,

2. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led NLD leaders like U Tin Oo,

3. U Hkun Htun Oo led SNLD Shan leaders,

4. Min Ko Naing lead 88 Student leaders, like Ko Ko Gyi etc,

5. Burmese Muslims such as, Daw Win Mya Mya (NLD Mandalay, Panthay) and Ko Mya Aye (88 Student leader)

Are unlike those in the SPDC and Tatmadaw,

• have given up much of their comforts in life,

• endured so much pain and humiliation

• and even have been detained

• and tortured

• under the illegal, undemocratic, unjust, draconian laws of the SPDC.

SPDC Junta should answer my question even if their brain is slightly larger than a bird’s brain.

If sacrificing the major part of one’s life for the nation is not patriotism, what is it then?

It is extremely distressing that the ruling Myanmar Generals and Tatmadaw want to cling onto power instead of being an instrument for the peace, progress, prosperity, unity of Myanmar and power house to start an inertia of change to democracy.

Not only the different Races and religions have become the cause of disunity, hate, violence and turmoil but the Myanmar Generals and Tatmadaw show the world that they are even willing to assault, arrest, torture and kill their own monks to stop the momentum of people’s peaceful struggle to initiate the changes to democracy.

So what’s left now to think about the safety or guarantee of other minority races and religious groups’ fate, life and property ?

We all now witnessed that Myanmar Tatmadaw is even willing to sacrifice and annihilate any one or any obstacle on their way to the road to their permanent dominance of Myanmar. 

But the whole world looks quite cool, slow and looks like willing to patiently waiting forever for the SPDC promised, “Rice presenting on the moon-plate”

SPDC Generals should stop playing the politics of fear and intimidation on the unarmed Myanmar civilians. They should not politicise or use the national security as an excuse because it would be the most unpatriotic act, amounting to treachery.

We have journeyed together, sharing a common brotherhood for 60 years and we have attained wisdom and maturity to effect change that would create an environment where all of the Burmese/Myanmar citizens can have our voices heard, rights respected and continue to live together without fear or suspicion of each other.

We should not allow selfish Military Generals to sow the seeds of disunity, suspicion, hate and jealousy that will only be detrimental to us in this multi-racial and multi-religious nation of Burma/Myanmar.

As Barrack Obama, the US presidential candidate, said after his first defeat in the primaries:

‘Change is hard. Change is always met by resistance from the status quo. The real gamble is to have the same old folks doing the same old things over and over and over again and somehow expect a different result’.

We cannot and should not expect a better outcome from the same old Tatmadaw system over and over again. They will try to keep all the issues and dialogue in the back burner.

In order to create a just government for all of the Burmese/ Myanmars, we must strive to effect a change.

We have no much time to wait for the evolution, until or unless, UN and Mr Gambari could forced the snail paced present (almost effectively stalled) dialogue on the rocket louncher to install on to the fast track.

To bring about that change may not be that easy, it may be a monumental task, but there must be a beginning for all good things to happen.

Why shouldn’t it be now?

Is the saying, “Time and Tide wait for no man” irrelevant to the inhumane, noncivilized uniformed Tatnadaw?

Why did UN and the whole world allow the Junta to procrastinate when all of us already know that what the SPDC want was TIME only.

SPDC stupidly thought that time could heal the bleeding hearts of the people seeing their beloved revered monks beaten, arrested and killed.

It is now in our hands to make that change.

Do we have the will and courage to do so?

Except for the USA and EU leaders,

• are ASEAN leaders,

• OIC leaders,

• Common Wealth leaders,

• Non Allied movement leaders

• and UN member countries’ leaders

all became cowards? Eunuchs with any B-ls? Greedy Crooks?

Or are they all willing to close their eyes, as the Burmese saying, “Myauk Thar_ Sar Chin Yin_Myaul Myet Nher_Ma Kyi Ne’.” meaning. “if you want to eat the flesh of the monkey, avoid looking at the face of the monkey.”

So carry on world leaders, just close your eyes to avoid seeing us beatened, tortured, arrested and killed by the Than Shwe Junta.

Please continue to enjoy the following article I republished from Irrawaddy.

Pro-Democracy Political Prisoners in Poor Health Condition
By Shah Paung
January 16, 2008

At least four detained political prisoners in Burmese prisons are in poor health and need medical attention, according to their family members.

The four political prisoners are Hla Myo Naung and Kyaw Soe of the 88 Generation Students group, who are both in Insein Prison in Rangoon; Win Maw, a pro-democracy activist, also in Insein Prison; and Myint Oo, a committee member of the Magwe Division of the National League for Democracy, who is in Mandalay Prison.

Hla Myo Naung has eye problems and is nearly blind in both eyes, according to a family member. He has had eye problems since October 2007, and was arrested while he was enroute to a Rangoon clinic to have an operation on the left side of one eye.

After he was arrested, authorities performed an operation on one of his eyes, but it was not successful and an eye nerve was damaged.

Family members of both Win Maw and Kyaw Soe said they received medical treatment in prison after they were tortured by the authorities in an interrogation center.

However, Win Maw has now contracted pneumonia. Kyaw Soe suffers from fainting spells. Both men were victims of water torture, according to sources.

A family member of Win Maw said they have not been allowed to visit him for nearly three weeks.

Myint Oo, who also suffers from pneumonia, began receiving medical treatment in a Mandalay prison hospital three days ago, according to family members.

Tate Naing, the secretary of the exiled-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), said that since August 2007, the military government has arrested more than 7,000 people, including pro-democracy activists.  Prisoners are not allowed to receive outside medical treatment.

88 Generation Students leaders Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi also have health problems, say their family members. They were arrested by authorities in August 2007.

According to the AAPP, there are more than 1,850 political prisoners in Burmese prisons.

 |

 

UN envoy’s return to Myanmar could spur further progress, says Security Council

UN envoy’s return to Myanmar could spur further progress, says Security Council

 17 January 2008 – Disappointed with the slow pace of change in Myanmar, the Security Council today said an early return to the country by United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari could help promote progress towards democratization and national reconciliation. Mr. Gambari, who has a standing invitation to return to Myanmar, had requested to go there this month. However, the Government has said it prefers he visit in mid-April. In a statement read out to the press by Ambassador Giadalla Ettalhi of Libya, which holds the rotating presidency for January, the 15-member body “regretted the slow rate of progress so far” towards meeting the objectives laid out in a presidential statement issued by the Council last October. They include steps by the Government for a “genuine dialogue” with detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and all concerned to achieve an inclusive national reconciliation process, and the release of all political prisoners and remaining detainees. “Council members underscored the importance of further progress, noting that an early visit to Myanmar by Mr. Gambari could help facilitate this,” the statement added. Speaking to reporters following the Council’s discussions, Mr. Gambari said that while the date of his return is still under discussion, “in view of [the] many issues left on the table, the earlier a visit occurs the better.” He said the Myanmar authorities need to move toward tangible progress on the constitution, freedom for all political prisoners, and addressing the root causes of discontent among the population. Mr. Gambari, who has visited Myanmar twice since the Government used force to crack down on peaceful protesters in the summer of 2007, intends to visit India and China later this month. He noted that while countries in the region have placed on record their support for the good offices role of the Secretary-General on the issue of Myanmar, “there is still more that everybody can do.” All those who have a role to play, both inside the country and outside, should be given the chance to do so in the interest of moving toward “a peaceful, prosperous but democratic Myanmar with full respect for the human rights of its people,” he stated. News Tracker: past stories on this issueMyanmar should take ‘bold steps’ to address national crisis – UN envoyVideo |

 

Ko Mya Aye Burmese Muslim 88 Students Group Leader

Ko Mya Aye

Burmese Muslim

(88 Students Group Leader)

 

Junta pins democracy activists to the wall

Ko Dee
Mizzima News

April 6, 2007 – Pro democracy activists in Burma are slowly and steadily being pushed to the wall by the military junta which has stepped up restrictions and suppression both in economic and social terms, political dissidents in Rangoon said.

The 88 generation students, a group of pro-democracy activists, in a statement yesterday said, the junta, which grabbed power in 1988, after brutally suppressing student and civil protestors, despite their promise to install a democratic government, has continually suppressed political dissidence.

“In reality, however, those who are trying to restore democracy are marginalized from others as political activists, and have consequently become victims of oppression against the free practice of their economic and social rights,” the statement said.

The 88 generation students issued the statement following the junta’s order to shut-down a business venture run by the family of a former political prisoner and a second-rung leader of the 88 generation student – Ko Mya Aye.

On March 30, the municipal authorities in Rangoon ordered the closure of the Rangoon-Mandalay Thamadi Carrier Service headed by Maung Maung Aung, a younger brother of Mya Aye.

A letter from the municipality directed the office to be closed and informed the authorities to cancel the license to operate or action would be taken.While no reasons were given as to why the order was passed, activists viewed it as an attempt by the junta to muffle the voices of dissidence.Nyan Win, the spokesperson of Burma’s main political opposition party – National League for Democracy, said, “I agree with what the students said in the statement. It is not only the students who are targeted but also other political activists. Doctors have had their license withheld, and business ventures are being close-down.”

BBC Report about Ko Mya Aye

Speaking to the BBC, 88 Generation student leader Ko Mya Aye – one of the petition’s organisers – said they were seeking a peaceful political transformation in Burma and encouraging the people to participate.

“We will continue with peaceful and legal means to help achieve national reconciliation in Burma”, says Ko Mya Aye who is one of the leading members of 88 Generation Students group.

The campaign began on October 2 and concluded on October 23.

 

RFA REPORT ABOUT KO MYA AYE

Mya Aye, a student leader during the 1988 uprising, said in an interview from Burma that the three men, with whom he had been meeting regularly, hadn’t committed any crimes and were in fact being treated well in detention.

“We talk solely about the paths to national reconciliation-how to bring it about how to rebuild our country. We didn’t commit any crimes,” Mya Aye said.

Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, and Htay Kywe were being held separately and “well looked after,” Mya Aye said, citing well-placed sources.

said in an interview from Burma that the three men, with whom he had been meeting regularly, hadn’t committed any crimes and were in fact being treated well in detention.

“We talk solely about the paths to national reconciliation-how to bring it about how to rebuild our country. We didn’t commit any crimes,” Mya Aye said.

Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, and Htay Kywe were being held separately and “well looked after,” Mya Aye said, citing well-placed sources.

Call for reconciliation

“When they were under detention, they were called in a number of times and asked about their views and convictions-I think that’s what is happening now,” he said. “We are closely monitoring the situation and will contact the authorities as necessary.”

“We believe only in national reconciliation. We don’t want to hurt anyone or favor anyone. The basic principles we hold are that any solution should be based on the results of the 1990 general election, on dialogue, democracy, and human rights,” he said.

“Our spirit is our only defense, and if they come to detain us we will just have to face it.”

Our spirit is our only defense, and if they come to detain us we will just have to face it.

Mya Aye, student leader in 1988 uprising

In Washington, the U.S. State Department said it was “deeply troubled” by the reported detentions and called on the ruling junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), to release them immediately and unconditionally.

“Our spirit is our only defense, and if they come to detain us we will just have to face it.”

Our spirit is our only defense, and if they come to detain us we will just have to face it.

Mya Aye, student leader in 1988 uprising

Original reporting by RFA’s Burmese service. Additional reporting by Richard Finney. Produced in English by Luisetta Mudie and Sarah Jackson-Han

 

DVB Report_

88 students call for agreement on reforms

Reporting by Aye Naing

June 28, 2007 (DVB)-The 88 Generation Students today called on the Burmese government and opposition actors to cooperate with each other over political reforms and to engage in genuine dialogue.

In a statement, the student group said that the National League for Democracy, the winners of the 1990 election, the State Peace and Development Council and ethnic minority leaders needed to work together on Burma’s new constitution.

“A friendly political society where all the issues of disagreements and suspicions can be raised, discussed, compromised and made clear in independence and in honesty is essential,” the 88 Generation Students statement said.

“We, the 88 Generation Students, would like to urge the Tatmadaw government to create such a political society and that the National League for Democracy and all the ethnic parties to put effort into making this good political society possible.”

Former student leader Ko Mya Aye said the holding of the final session of the constitution-drafting National Convention next month provided the government, the opposition and ethnic minority groups with an opportunity to cooperate.

He also said that the 88 Generation Students group believed that as the final session of the National Convention will focus on the amendment procedures and revisions of the current constitutional draft it dialogue was now essential.

“We hope a good situation comes out of it . . . This constitution will look significantly better if the National League for Democracy, whose representatives have won a lot of seats in the 1990 elections, and all the ethnic representatives had a chance to participate in creating it,” Ko Mya Aye said.

“Dialogue is essential if this is to happen . . . People should not ignore this . . . If we do, our country will go under this dark cloud of extreme chaos. We cannot let this happen. Dialogue should be initiated whenever and wherever possible,” he said.

FRONT LINE Human Rights defenders

On 22 August 2007, a rare public protest over a sharp rise in fuel prices led to a wave arrests by the Burmese junta. Those arrested included the senior leadership of the 88 Generation Students group as well as members of other student and civil advocacy groups.Hundreds of demonstrators had taken to the streets to express their anger at the surprise increase in fuel prices. Natural gas prices have risen 500% and petrol and diesel prices have almost doubled, according to the Guardian. The rise has hit poor labourers particularly hard, swallowing up to half of their daily income.

The 88 Generation Students group is an organisation synonymous with the long struggle for democracy in military-ruled Burma and take their name from a 1988 student-led uprising crushed by the military. In a rare announcement in all state-run newspapers, the junta said that the dissidents were arrested for undermining the peace and security of the state, according to The Epoch Times.

Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Ko Mya Aye, Ko Pyone Cho, Ko Jimmy and Ko Yin Htun were among those from the 88 Generation Student group arrested.On 21 August 2007, 14 student leader of the 88 Student Generation of Democracy were arrested.

The 14 members are Paw U Tun (also known as Min Ko Naing), Ko Ko Gyi, Pyone Cho (also known as Htay Win Aung), Min Zeyar, Ko Mya Aye, Ko Jimmy (Kyaw Min Yu), Zeya, Ant Bwe Kyaw, Kyaw Kyaw Htwe (Marki), Panneik Tun, Zaw Zaw Min, Thet Zaw, Nyan Lin Tun, Ko Yin Htun,They were arrested by security officials and members of the state backed Union Solidarity Development Association (USDA).

Front Line previously wrote to the Burmese Government on 27 August 2007 expressing concern about the arrest and detention of Paw U Tun, Ko Ko Gyi, Pyone Cho, and Min Zeyar.All 14 human rights defenders were arrested by police officials on the eve of a major protest in Yangon on 22 August 2007.

No warrants were produced for the arrests and according to an article published in the state-run newspaper New Light of Myanmar they will be charged under Law 5/96, which provides for up to 20 years in prison, for their involvement in “acts undermining the efforts to successfully carry out peaceful transfer of state power and facilitate the proceedings of the National Convention.” Following the arrests, members of the security forces allegedly searched the homes of the afore-mentioned individuals and confiscated documents and compact discs. Reports claim that they were detained at Kyaikkasan Detention Centre before being transferred to the notorious Insein prison outside Yangon where they may be at risk of torture, including beatings and electric shocks.

88-Generation Student leaders including Ko Mya Aye won the Politicians of the year 2006 for Burma, awarded by Burma Digest.

During the 8888 uprising they had successfully lead the people’s uprising causing the downfall of three successive governments of General Ne Win, Sein Lwin and Dr Maung Maung.

1. The whole world know that the 88 Generation Students have been relentlessly calling peacefully for the non-violent ways of resistance.

2. They are advocating for national reconciliation and

3. even claimed openly that they could forgive and forget every thing even the imprisonment and injustices done on them.

4. Their only fault is they are asking for a peaceful dialogue and pressing for the democracy, human rights and individual freedom.

People’s views on Ko Mya Aye

In BURMA DIGEST year-end poll for “Politician of the Year 2006 Burma“, new leader of 8888 generation pro-democracy student activists in Burma Ko Mya Aye was deservedly overwhelmingly elected as the Politician of the year.Here below is some interesting quotes from remarkable remarks made by our readers on Ko Mya Aye.

¨ SPDC fears 88 generation student leaders most and they can succeed in bringing Burma to democracy.

¨ 88 generation student leaders led a wide campaign for a signature petition to release all political prisoners. That campaign was a very amazing success after the 8888 People Uprising in 1988. In spite of the SPDC junta’s lawless authority to its own people, they did it very strategically, leading a possible path to democracy now and forever.

¨ He is more organized and gives truthful message to the people of Burma where Burmese people didn’t know how to show their democracy movement peacefully.

¨ I am very exciting of their works for people. Now, many students from inside who are studying at different university joined hands with 88 GSG and are working together for democracy movements and to free political prisoners. I liked his speeches with media……

¨ Ko Mya Aye and 88 GSG (inside Burma; people from inside supported them and join with them as their voice of truth.

¨ The most interesting political group 2006 for Burma is Ko Mya Aye and 8888 Generation Students Group.

¨ They, 8888 generation students, are leading towards democracy movement in Burma and stimulate and try to develop human …..Their have perseverance, tolerance…

¨ During the 8888 uprising they had successfully lead the people’s uprising causing the downfall of three successive governments of General Ne Win, Sein Lwin and Dr Maung Maung.

¨ When you look through the events this year- petition and white expression campaigns that he and his group organized inside Burma showed full commitment and bravery of them, more importantly their moves inspired all pro-democracy activists and people of Burma.

¨ He took over all the responsibilities after Min Ko Naing, Pyone Cho, MinZaYa, Htay Kywel and Ko Ko Gyi were arrested. I like his speeches in Media; it made us wake up to involve in Freeing up Burma.

¨ He is a good leader of us after Min Ko Naing. We support him.¨ Greatest generation of Burma after independent heroes

¨ We are new generations, they are model for us.

¨ I support him. I like his speeches with media; it encourages people to fight for truth and against unlawful military rule.

¨ The student activists have been sacrificing their lives endlessly. They are national heroes.

¨ they show their desire for democracy without fear and people from inside were very interested of their work for democracy movements

¨ I like his speeches which are very exciting for our people. He is the one who voice out for people through media without fearing of SPDC.

¨ His speeches make me keen to involve for democracy movements and I really support him and his friends

¨ He suffers the same as people suffer.

¨ He never gives up fighting for truth. I like his speeches.

¨ I like his personalities, he did things right and he encourages people to express the truth.

¨ We need a leader like Ko Mya Aye after Min-Ko-Naing was arrested

¨ I am surprised by his courage and we need him for the future of Burma.

¨ He is the second “Min-Ko-Naing”

¨ He who speaks out for our people. He is the one who respects his “Ye baw Ye bat” inside Burma.

¨ We like him because of his work for people.

¨ He courageously express his view of truth and he encourages people not to fear of expressing truth

¨ He is a Hero after Min-Ko-Naing.

¨ He is a good leader and fighter for truth.

¨ I could not work for my country people like him. I admired him. I am strongly vote him for the most interesting political personality 2006 for our country.

¨ I would like to vote for him. Although I don’t know him in person, I listened his speeches in media. It made me very excited and felt like suffering same as him.

(Reported by Dr. Tayza)

Also See in Burmese_

Copied and pasted below

Politician of the Year 2006 Burma

January 15, 2007 by burmadigest

Who is Politician of the Year 2006 Burma?

The politician of the year is a person who has led the people in the most significant and most important political movement during the year.

The most significant and most important political movement during this year is the White-coloured people power movement signifying people’s innocent and peaceful desire to get freedom, democracy and human-rights. And it was led by new generation student leaders.

So now thousands of readers of BURMA DIGEST have overwhelmingly voted new generation student leader Ko Mya Aye as The Politician of the Year 2006 Burma!

Final Voting Results

(validated at two decimal points)

* Only one vote from one IP address is counted.

¨ Ko Mya Aye 21.52%

¨ Daw Aung San Suu Kyi 18.83%

¨ 8888 students 9.97%

¨ Ko Min Ko Naing 9.07%

¨ Nurul Islam 3.73%

¨ Dr. Cynthia Maung 3.69%

¨ Snr. Gen. Than Shwe 3.16%

¨ Sao Yawd Serk 3.12%

¨ U Aye Thar Aung 2.79%

¨ Dr. Nay Win Maung 2.59%

¨ Su Su New 2.27%

¨ U Maung Sein 2.21%

¨ U Win Tin 1.83%

¨ U Maung Maung (NCUB) 1.80%

¨ Nan Charm Tong 1.78%

¨ Ko Jimmy 1.75%

¨ Karen National Union & Saw Bo Mya 1.55%

¨ U Myint Aye (Human-rights Defender) 1.45%

¨ John Bolton 1.35%

¨ Nan Ohn Hla (NLD) 0.25%

¨ Daw Nan Khin Hla Myint (NLD) 0.15%

¨ Ludu U Sein Win 1.10%

¨ Ko Thet Win Aung 0.98%

¨ Ko Ko Gyi 0.85%

¨ Dr. Thaung Htun 0.75%

¨ Ko Aung Din 0.65%

¨ Ko Htay Kywe 0.54%

¨ Ko Min Zeya 0.46%

¨ Zoya Phan 0.35%

¨ Ma Phyu Phyu Thein (HIV NGO) 0.23%

¨ Ko Tun Tun (political activist) 0.17%

¨ Gen. Maung Aye 0.05%

Multiple votes from a single IP address are discarded. One IP address, one vote only.

Although I was in the Editorial team I voted for the whole team of 88-Generation Student leaders and never had the access or had influence the results. Please see the following article which I wrote as a vote.

My article in Burma Digest_

There is precedence to giving out an award to an organization for the award initially or usually meant for a person e.g. Noble Peace Prizes and Times magazine’s “man of the year” awarded to organizations.

Therefore, I hereby wish to nominate 88-Generation Student leaders for the Politicians of the year 2006 for Burma. During the 8888 uprising the had successfully lead the people’s uprising causing the downfall of three successive governments of General Ne Win, Sein Lwin and Dr Maung Maung.

Paw Oo Tun was a 3rd year zoology student in Rangoon University in 1988. He was a prominent leader in the 8888 people’s uprising. His nom de plume is Min Ko Naing or in English Conqueror of King! 1988 Student uprising started with the death of 2 RIT or Rangoon Institute of Technology students Ko Phone Maw and Ko Soe Naing on 13 March 1988.

In a 1988 speech, the fiery student leader said: “If we want to enjoy the same rights as people in other countries, we have to be disciplined, united and brave enough to stand up to the dictators,” according to Amnesty.

Min Ko Naing was arrested on 23 March 1989, sentenced to 20 years in December 1991, which was later commuted to 10 years. He was not released after completing his sentence in 1999. Moe The Zun, Ko Ko Gyi, Jimmy, Min Zayar, Pyone Cho and Htay Kywe are prominent leaders of 88-Generation Students group. Min Ko Naing was freed in Nov 2004. Immediately after his release, he had two interviews with the BBC and the RFA or Radio Free Asia.

Ko Min Ko Naing was only free for 11 months after a 16 year term in the Akyab prison; Ko Ko Gyi was released in March 2005 after nearly 14 years imprisonment.The SPDC Junta rearrested the 88 Generation Student leaders Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi and Htay Kywe on September 27 and Min Zayar and Pyone Cho on September 30, 2006. The arresting law enforcement persons told the student leaders and their family members that the top generals wanted to see them for discussions.

1. In many civilized countries that practice Rule of Just Laws, the arresting authorities must tell the person why they were arrested, the reason for their arrest, under which Section of the Law and may need to show the arrest warrant.

2. If any thing wrong or even if the warrant is technically defective they could be released with the Habeas corpus application at the respective court of law. Actually,

3. Human Rights and individual freedom covers all the aspects of humans_

4. All the citizens must enjoy the Freedom from arbitrary arrest, detention, and torture like this re-arrest of the 88 Generation Student leaders.

5. All individuals are “innocent until proven otherwise”

At the press conference, the SPDC falsely accused that they had detained the student leaders for questioning related to terrorist attacks and for the financial aid received from the foreign embassies. SPDC claimed that they have to arrest in order to prevent internal unrest and instability The embassies had denied the accusation of given any financial support and the whole world knew that the 88 Generation Students are not terrorists at all. If SPDC could not prove their ridiculous accusations, their international credibility and dignity would go down the drain further more.

1. The whole world know that the 88 Generation Students have been relentlessly calling peacefully for the non-violent ways of resistance.

2. They are advocating for national reconciliation and

3. even claimed openly that they could forgive and forget every thing even the imprisonment and injustices done on them.

4. Their only fault is they are asking for a peaceful dialogue and pressing for the democracy, human rights and individual freedom.

Min Ko Naing and his colleagues were slowly reactivating Burmese People for a political awareness and taking the leader role from the senile and inactive NLD leaders. Although they had suffered a lot in the jails for a long time, they are not scared and started their political activities again. They organized the 18th anniversary of the 1988 uprising in August this year where few thousands of people dare to attend. They requested the military leaders to start a dialogue with the opposition and ethnic leaders instead of continuing the National Convention.

The top leaders were arrested on 27^th June 2006 on the 18^th anniversary of the founding of the National League for Democracy.

On the 02^nd October the remaining 88 Generation Students group started_

• the first-ever-public- campaign against the SPDC

• and gathered signatures for a petition calling for the release of political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

• More than half a million people sign the petition although they were harassed by SPDC Kyant Phuts and their thugs. The signatures were later presented to the UN.

Later they organized_

• “White Expression”

• requesting the people to wear white clothes to protest the SPDC. It was continued until the 44th birthday of Ko Min Ko Naing on 18 October.

On the 29th October, they started a third campaign,

• called “Multi Religious Prayer Campaign,”

• and requested the people to wear white clothing

• and hold candlelight vigils

• and prayers in temples, churches and mosques.

Ko Mya Aye & Ko Jimmy, the remaining ones of the 88 Generation leaders told the BBC Burmese fearlessly_

“Burmese people have to stay away from politics, because the government has kept them out. They are always looking for a way to participate in politics, so that is why we are trying to involve them.”

So the 88 Generation Student Group and Leaders are the prime movers and shakers of Burma Politics in 2006.

Campaigners and relatives said among those arrested were Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Ko Mya Aye, Ko Yin Htun and Ko Jimmy, leaders of a 1988 democracy movement that was crushed by the regime.

Min Ko Naing, whose name means “Conqueror of Kings” and who was released last year after 15 years in jail, is probably the best-known activist after Aung San Suu Kyi. She remains under house arrest, having spent nearly 17 years imprisoned.

“Military intelligence and government intelligence seized their houses and searched their houses,” another dissident, Htay Kywe, who escaped, said from neighbouring Thailand.

Despite the arrests, reports from Burma said campaigners again took to the streets yesterday to protest against the government’s recent increase in fuel prices.